scholarly journals Spaudos vaidmuo kuriant pilietinę visuomenę

2009 ◽  
Vol 51 ◽  
pp. 70-82
Author(s):  
Jolita Linkevičiūtė-Rimavičienė

Straipsnio tikslas – nagrinėti specifinį spaudos vaidmenį viename iš visuomenės raidos etapų: kuriantis naujai socialinei struktūrai, pilietinei bendruomenei ir jai aktyviai dalyvaujant pirmoje viešosios srities raidos pakopoje. Lietuvoje, kaip ir kitose posovietinėse šalyse, kuriose totalitarinės ideologijos dominavimas deformavo tiesos ir identiteto sampratas, keičiantis visuomeninei struktūrai, psichologinio saugumo poreikis ir lūkesčiai, kuriant geresnę ateitį, buvo susiję su spauda, tuo laikotarpiu atlikusia kompensuojamąją funkciją. Įvykiai Rytų Europoje, buvusioje Sovietų sąjungoje iki 1990-ųjų skatino ginkluotus konfliktus. „Dainuojanti revoliucija“ Baltijos valstybėse tyrėjų vertinama politinės raidos modelio aspektu. „Nacionalizmas be žiaurumo“ suvokiamas kaip fenomenas, sąlygotas baltų istorinio ir kultūrinio paveldo, palyginti su agresyviu serbų, kroatų, kaukaziečių nacionalizmu, pasireiškusiu išsivaduojant iš sovietinio „tautų kapinyno“.Neginkluotą nacionalinį pasipriešinimo judėjimą ir skirtingų visuomenės grupių Lietuvoje, Latvijoje ir Estijoje dialogą organizavo ir rėmė laisvėjanti spauda. Visuomenės informavimo priemonių, kaip įtakingos socialinės jėgos, analizė; spaudos, mobilizuojančios, koordinuojančios ir drąsinančios žmones atvirai reikšti savo nuomonę, vaidmens identifikavimas bus naudingas tolesnei tyrimų, nagrinėjančių Lietuvos atgimimo spaudą ir jos raidos etapus 1988–1991 metais, eigai. Visuomenės teisė gauti informaciją yra politinė, spaudos sąsajų su pilietine visuomene kontekstualizavimas svarbus kaip teorinis pagrindas, tiriant medijų funkcijas bei uždavinius demokratėjant visuomenei ir palankios piliečių sąmoningumui vystytis kuriant aplinką. Ši tema nėra tirta, XX a. devintojo dešimtmečio Lietuvos žiniasklaida apžvelgiama tik istoriografinės analizės aspektu, nepakanka dėmesio laisvėjančiam žiniasklaidos diskursui ir jo įtakai vertybių kaitos požiūriu.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: visuomeniniai pokyčiai, spaudos vaidmuo, spaudos laisvė, žurnalistinė atsakomybė, viešoji erdvė, piliečiai.Media, change and civil societyJolita Linkevičiūtė-Rimavičienė SummaryThe purpose of the article is to attract attention to the role of press and its meaning in the context of civil society in one of the developmental stages of democracy. After the social structure had changed in Lithuania, as in other post soviet countries where the totalitarian ideology deformed the concepts of truth and identity, the need and expectations of psychological security to create a better future were directly related to the press.On the grounds of political philosophy, the imperative of public space as an imperative of a basic democracy institution which appears when the members of community create and support it, is analyzed. Analyzing the way in which the press as one of the governmental blocks participates in the maintenance of public space because of itself and represents the citizens, shows the level of public discussion quality and community information. The right of society to receive information is political since the awareness guarantees the realization of universal freedom; the purification of press links with civil society is important as a theoretical basis when examining the role of media in the periods of societal changes.

Author(s):  
Himanshu Jha

This Chapter examines the processes around state and society, traces the role of social networks outside the state realm, and conceptualizes these processes as the complementarity of state and society, where strong ideational linkages led to the formation of an ‘epistemic network’. These processes played a significant role in the final phase of the enactment of the Right to Information Act. The period covered in this chapter coincides with the latter half of the second phase. This chapter establishes that mainstream politics converged with the emerging socio-political processes led by the elite within the social movement, judiciary, the press, bureaucracy, and the academia. This convergence needs to be viewed as one of state–society synergy, where the collective ‘epistemic push’ of actors from both within the state and society ‘tips over’ the institution from ‘secrecy’ to ‘openness’.


2019 ◽  
Vol 82 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stuart Davis ◽  
Joe Straubhaar

When examining the decline of the leftist Partido dos Trabalhadores and the ascension of the right-wing extremist Jair Bolsanaro of the far-right Partido Liberal Social to the 2018 presidency, political scientists David Samuels and Cesar Zucco have argued that this shift is best understood not through positive characteristics of Bolsonaro’s candidacy but through antipetismo [‘anti-PT-ism’], an intensely personal resentment of the Partido dos Trabalhadores. We assert that popular right-wing Facebook groups and networks formed around the communication network WhatsApp-fueled antipetismo by channeling anger originating in the 2013 nationwide protests away from a variety of social, political, and issues and toward a villainous depiction of Partido dos Trabalhadores leaders and valorization of anti-Partido dos Trabalhadores activists like Bolsanaro, as well as some focus on his own conservative, nationalist agenda. To interrogate this assertion, we propose two specific lines of research. The first is a qualitative textual analysis of the social media accounts of two of the most active anti-Partido dos Trabalhadores groups: Vem Pra Rua and O Movimento Brasil Livre. Through close reading of the materials distributed on these sites, we will illustrate how they channeled general unrest into a specifically partisan attack. The next line of research and case will be an examination of the role of mainstream news networks (namely TV Record) and WhatsApp by those campaigning for recently elected president Bolsonaro for a continued negative campaign against left candidates, specifically the Partido dos Trabalhadores, using fake news items like the supposed ‘gay kit’ that was being circulated in schools by the Partido dos Trabalhadores and others on the left to persuade children to become gay. When possible, we will analyze examples of the materials that were circulated that have emerged in the press coverage and will examine the processes that were used to target and persuade people to forward the materials created for the campaign.


2020 ◽  
pp. 107-122
Author(s):  
Taher Abdel-Ghani

Cinema has taken up the role of a social agent that introduced a variety of images and events to the public during critical times. This paper proposes the idea of using films as a tool to reclaim public space where a sense of belonging and dialogue restore to a meaningful place. During the January 2011 protests in Egypt, Tahrir Cinema, an independent revolutionary project composed of filmmakers and other artists, offered a space in Downtown Cairo and screened archival footage of the ongoing events to the protestors igniting civic debate and discussions. The traditional public space has undergone what Karl Kropf refers to as the phylogenetic change, i.e. form and function that is agreed upon by society and represents a common conception of certain spatial elements. Hence, the framework that this research will follow is a two-layer discourse, the existence of cinema in public spaces, and the existence of public spaces in cinema. Eventually, the paper seeks to enhance the social relationship between society, spaces, and cinematic narration – a vital tool to raise awareness about the right to the city.


2019 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 436-455
Author(s):  
Marta Esperti

The Central Mediterranean is the most deadly body of water in the Mediterranean Sea with at least 15,062 fatalities recorded by International Organization of Migration between 2014 and 2018. This article aims at highlighting the rise of a variety of new civil society actors engaged in the rescue of people undertaking dangerous journeys across the sea in the attempt of reaching the southern European shores. The peculiarity of the humanitarian space at sea and its political relevance are pointed out to illustrate the unfolding of the maritime border management on the Central Mediterranean route and its relation with the activity of the civil society rescue vessels. The theoretical aspiration of the article is to question the role of a proactive civil humanitarianism at sea, discussing the emergence of different political and social meanings around humanitarianism at the EU’s southern maritime border. In recent years, the increasing presence of new citizens-based organizations at sea challenges the nexus between humanitarian and emergency approaches adopted to implement security-oriented policies. This essay draws on the findings of a broader comparative work on a variety of civil society actors engaged in the search and rescue operations on the maritime route between Libya and Europe, focusing in particular on Italy as country of first arrival. The fieldwork covers a period of time going between 2016 and 2018. The research methodology is built on a multisited ethnography, the conduct of semidirective and informal interviews with both state and nonstate actors, and the analysis of various reports unraveling the social and political tensions around rescue at sea on the Central Mediterranean route.


2021 ◽  
Vol 03 (03) ◽  
pp. 299-303
Author(s):  
Hassan Mohammed ABUOKATYYIF

Many are strategies to ensure disability in areas of education and health and access to place and information, but in this experience, we are in the role of civil society organizations in providing possible services in the community integration of an important chip, especially the time of crises and wars (The subject of this experience). We aimed to prepare a model for an inclusive and supportive summer club for children with disabilities with ordinary children from 7 to 14 years old, taking into account the awareness and understanding of ordinary students or children and accept them for their counterparts, unity, mobility and others. We have divided the club into many programs, paragraphs and science and put them through video, participation and entertainment as well as many supporting psychosocial and participation and entertainment as well as many supporting mental and social programs and contracted a specialized organization that took it upon itself to study the behaviors and submit reports with the club's specialists. the topics of the club have covered an interactive and entertainment study as well as the science of Quran and development and life skills such as drawing and coloring – young media, theater and crochet – computer principles as well as weekly and monthly encouraging competitions which made us believe that we have been in the theme of cleaving and integration, and this is evident in the clear harmony through competitions, dances, songs, and the fear and tightness and intensity we have noticed at the beginning of the club, which made us seek to mainstream and develop the idea and recommend to the government, private sector and civil society and urged them to conduct efforts for effective participation and ensure persons with disabilities, especially children to remove them from the situation of war and conflict and support their psychological and social balance..


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 89
Author(s):  
Beata Gessel-Kalinowska vel Kalisz

THE PERCEPTION OF THE PRACTICE OF CONFIDENTIALITY IN ARBITRATION. AN ANALYSIS OF THE RESULTS OF A SURVEY CARRIED OUT BY THE LEWIATAN COURT OF ARBITRATION AMONG POLISH ARBITRATION PRACTITIONERS Summary As with numerous other systems of law, such as Norwegian, Swedish or Australian law, the Polish legal system does not have a clear and uniform norm of law governing confidentiality and privacy in arbitration. Public opinion frequently refers to the role of custom as the source of the obligation to preserve confidentiality, although usually it does so without a detailed analysis of the subject and object of this obligation. This fact provided the inspiration for a survey carried out among Polish arbitration practitioners. The results of the survey present an interesting picture of what is subjectively perceived by arbitration practitioners as forming part of the confidentiality canons in arbitration proceedings. In principle, they reflect the worldwide trends, i.e. as far as the object of the confidentiality obligation is concerned – in camera sessions and the confidentiality of awards, and as regards its subject – the confidentiality obligation imposed on arbitrators and arbitration institutions. In addition, the customary practice of keeping confidential any information obtained in the course of proceedings is perceived as the right conduct as far as the object of the obligation is concerned. One of the very controversial issues is the matter of parties’ responsibilities, which leads to further questions as to individual arbitrators’ membership of the social (professional) group known as “arbitration practitioners”.


Author(s):  
Michael Pakaluk

The reception of Thomistic political and legal philosophy is considered with respect to what is called ‘political liberalism’. The appeal to a hypothetical state of nature should be rejected, as it misconstrues the social nature of human beings. Aquinas’ account of the origin of political society starts from an interpretation of human nature. On this basis one can account for human rights, the importance of the right to religious liberty, the family as the basic cell of society, civil society as including subsidiary authorities, the importance of private property, and the nature and role of freedom. A key question for the continued flourishing of a free society is what practically enables persons to govern for the genuine good of others.


Author(s):  
Guillaume Heuguet

This exploratory text starts from a doctoral-unemployed experience and was triggered by the discussions within a collective of doctoral students on this particularly ambiguous status since it is situated between student, unemployed, worker, self-entrepreneur, citizen-subject of social rights or user-commuter in offices and forms. These discussions motivated the reading and commentary of a heterogeneous set of texts on unemployment, precariousness and the functioning of the institutions of the social state. This article thus focuses on the relationship between knowledge and unemployment, as embodied in the public space, in the relationship with Pôle Emploi, and in the academic literature. It articulates a threefold problematic : what is known and said publicly about unemployment? What can we learn from the very experience of the relationship with an institution like Pôle Emploi? How can these observations contribute to an understanding of social science inquiry and the political role of knowledge fromm precariousness?


Author(s):  
Joanna L. Grossman ◽  
Lawrence M. Friedman

This chapter describes what might be the last battleground over “traditional” marriage—same-sex marriage, and the social and legal revolution that brought us from an era in which it was never contemplated to one in which, depending on the state, it is either expressly authorized or expressly prohibited. Same-sex marriage has posed—and continues to pose—a challenge to traditional definitions of marriage and family. But, more importantly, the issue implies broader changes in family law—the increasing role of constitutional analysis; limits on the right of government to regulate the family; and the clash between the traditional family form and a new and wider menu of intimate and household arrangements, and all this against the background of the rise of a stronger form of individualism.


Author(s):  
Jason A. Peterson

This chapter serves as an overview of the book, beginning with the social climate of Mississippi in the aftermath of the 1954 Brown vs. Board of Education decision. From there, the chapter includes a discussion on the role of the press in this turbulent and violent time period, which more often than not acted as an arm of racist organizations like the Citizens’ Council and the Sovereignty Commission in an effort to protect the way of life that segregation had built. The part college athletics played in the Closed Society is also addressed, as are the various challenges to Mississippi’s white way of life, specifically the unwritten law, and the press reaction to the potential of integrated athletics.


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