scholarly journals Validating Threat: IO Approval and Public Support for Joining Military Counterterrorism Coalitions

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefano Recchia ◽  
Jonathan Chu
Keyword(s):  
Military Intervention ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Theoretical Understanding ◽  
Military Operation ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Public ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Comparable Magnitude ◽  
Positive Effect

Abstract Recent scholarship has fruitfully investigated the effect of international organization (IO) approval on public support for military intervention. Following Jentleson and Britton [Bruce W. Jentleson and Rebecca L. Britton, “Still Pretty Prudent: Post-Cold War American Public Opinion on the Use of Military Force,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 42, no. 4 (1998): 395–417], scholars argue that IO approval does not increase already high public support for “foreign policy restraint” (FPR) operations intended to coerce “aggressively threatening” opponents, including terrorists. We challenge this argument, focusing on public support for contributing to military coalitions. The public may wonder whether leaders are sincere when they frame a coalition military operation as having FPR objectives; this may lead the public to put a premium on multilateral validation. We also question the common argument that UN Security Council approval necessarily has a greater positive effect on public support for intervention than approval from regional IOs. Approval from broad-based regional IOs, such as the African Union (AU), may be just as consequential. Data from survey experiments that we conducted in three countries confirm our principal hypotheses: (1) IO approval consistently increases public support for contributing to military coalitions even in counterterrorism cases and (2) the UN and AU approval effects are of comparable magnitude. These findings expand our theoretical understanding of the conditions under which IO approval can increase public support for military intervention.

scholarly journals The Power of Humanitarian Narratives: A Domestic Coalition Theory of Justifications for Military Action

2019 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 680-695 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Maxey
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
National Security ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Military Action ◽  
The Public ◽  
Original Dataset ◽  
Survey Experiments ◽  
Domestic Support

Conventional wisdom assumes the best way to mobilize public support for military action is through the lens of national security. Humanitarian justifications provide a helpful substitute when US interests are not at stake, but are less reliable. However, US presidents have provided humanitarian explanations for every military intervention of the post-Cold War period. What, if any, power do humanitarian justifications have in security-driven interventions? The article answers this question by developing a domestic coalition framework that evaluates justifications in terms of whose support matters most in the build-up to intervention. Survey experiments demonstrate that humanitarian narratives are necessary to build the largest possible coalition of support. However, presidents risk backlash if they stretch humanitarian claims too far. Data from thirteen waves of Chicago Council surveys and an original dataset of justifications for US interventions confirm that humanitarian justifications are a common and politically relevant tool. The findings challenge both the folk realist expectation that the public responds primarily to threats to its own security and the constructivist tendency to limit the power of humanitarian justifications to cases of humanitarian intervention. Instead, humanitarian justifications are equally, if not more, important than security explanations for mobilizing domestic support, even in security-driven interventions.

Explaining Public Support for the Use of Military Force: The Impact of Reference Point Framing and Prospective Decision Making

2011 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Héctor Perla
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Reference Point ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Public Support ◽  
News Coverage ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Impact

AbstractThis article examines the determinants of public support for the use of military force. It puts forward a Framing Theory of Policy Objectives (FTPO), which contends that public support for military engagements depends on the public's perception of the policy's objective. However, it is difficult for the public to judge a policy's objective because they cannot directly observe a policy's true intention and influential political actors offer competing frames to define it. This framing contestation, carried out through the media, sets the public's decision-making reference point and determines whether the policy is perceived as seeking to avoid losses or to achieve gains. The FTPO predicts that support will increase when the public perceives policies as seeking to prevent losses and decrease when the public judges policies to be seeking gains. I operationalize and test the theory using content analysis of national news coverage and opinion polls of U.S. intervention in Central America during the 1980s. These framing effects are found to hold regardless of positive or negative valence of media coverage.

scholarly journals How Moral Foundations Shape Public Approval of Nuclear, Chemical, and Conventional Strikes: New Evidence from Experimental Surveys

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michal Smetana ◽  
Marek Albert Vranka
Keyword(s):  
Public Attitudes ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Moral Values ◽  
Chemical Weapons ◽  
Moral Foundations ◽  
Military Force ◽  
The Public ◽  
Experimental Treatments ◽  
New Evidence

We present the results of two survey experiments on public support for nuclear, chemical, and conventional strikes. We examined how moral values of individuals interact with the approval of different kinds of strikes and with the effects of information about the ingroup and out-group fatalities. Our results show that while the public is more averse to the employment of chemical weapons than to the conduct of nuclear or conventional strikes, the overall relationship between strike approval and the individuals’ moral values does not differ across the three experimental treatments. In addition, we found that individuals’ scores in so-called “binding” moral values affect the sensitivity of the public for in-group fatalities. Findings of our paper contribute to the broader debates in the field about the strength and nature of the norms against the use of nuclear and chemical weapons, and about the role of morality in the public attitudes to the use of military force.

scholarly journals Media as an instrument of strategic communication in armed conflicts: The CNN effect

Vojno delo ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 34-52
Author(s):  
Miroslav Mitrović
Keyword(s):  
Military Intervention ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Strategic Communication ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Social Categories ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Media ◽  
Media Politics ◽  
Definition Of

Media, politics and public opinion are mutually conditioned social categories. Their interdependence is particularly pronounced in armed conflicts, especially in the context of armed interventions. The forum of the interaction of these phenomena is framed by the paradigm of strategic communication, which is transmitted to the public through the actions of entities identified as strategic communicators to achieve a motivating effect for reactions that are in line with communicators' interests. One of the emerging forms of strategic communication in all its forms and contents is the CNN effect. The paper contributes to the definition of the CNN effect as a broader concept than the television station, after which it was named. Furthermore, the paper analyzes the relationship between politics, the media and the public to gain public support for military intervention. The paper also provides an analysis of the CNN effect in the function of strategic communication on the example of the media use of bloodshed in the Markale market during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1995, with an analysis of the US actions and effects to support the idea of military intervention.

scholarly journals Lithuanian public opinion and the EU membership

2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 295-312
Author(s):  
Elena Dragomir
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
General Context ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Public ◽  
Policy Goals ◽  
The People ◽  
The Eu

During the early 1990s, following the restoration of independence, Lithuania reoriented in terms of foreign policy towards West. One of the state’s main foreign policy goals became the accession to the EU and NATO. Acknowledging that the ‘opinion of the people’ is a crucial factor in today’s democracy as it is important and necessary for politicians to know and take into consideration the ‘public opinion’, that is the opinion of the people they represent, this paper brings into attention the public support for the political pro-West project. The paper is structured in two main parts. The first one presents in short the politicians’ discourse regarding Lithuania’s accession to the EU and its general ‘returning to Europe’, in the general context of the state’s new foreign policy, while the second part presents the results of different public opinion surveys regarding the same issue. Comparing these two sides, in the end, the paper provides the answer that the Lithuanian people backed the political elites in their European projects. Although, the paper does not represent a breakthrough for the scientific community, its findings could be of interest for those less familiarized with the Lithuanian post-Cold War history, and especially for the Romanian public to whom this journal mainly addresses.

Victory Has Many Friends: U.S. Public Opinion and the Use of Military Force, 1981–2005

2005 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 140-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard C. Eichenberg
Keyword(s):  
Iraq War ◽  
Important Determinant ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Civil Strife ◽  
The Public ◽  
Base Level ◽  
Military Involvement ◽  
Policy Objectives

Although previous studies have examined U.S. public support for the use of military force in particular historical cases, and have even made limited comparisons among cases, a full comparison of a large number of historical episodes in which the United States contemplated, threatened, or actually used military force has been missing. An analysis of U.S. public support for the use of military force in twenty-two historical episodes from the early 1980s through the Iraq war and occupation (2003-05) underscores the continuing relevance of Bruce Jentleson's principal policy objectives framework: the objective for which military force is used is an important determinant of the base level of public support. The U.S. public supports restraining aggressive adversaries, but it is leery of involvement in civil-war situations. Although the objective of the mission strongly conditions this base level of support, the public is also sensitive to the relative risk of different military actions; to the prospect of civilian or military casualties; to multilateral participation in the mission; and to the likelihood of success or failure of the mission. These results suggest that support for U.S. military involvement in Iraq is unlikely to increase; indeed, given the ongoing civil strife in Iraq, continuing casualties, and substantial disagreement about the prospects for success, the public's support is likely to remain low or even decline.

scholarly journals The effect of long-term care public benefits and insurance on informal care from outside the household: empirical evidence from Italy and Spain

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (8) ◽  
pp. 1131-1147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christophe Courbage ◽  
Guillem Montoliu-Montes ◽  
Joël Wagner
Keyword(s):  
Informal Care ◽  
Long Term Care ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Financing System ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Term Care ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Benefits ◽  
Positive Effect

Abstract This article uses cross-sectional data from the Survey of Health, Ageing, and Retirement in Europe (SHARE) database to test the effect of both long-term care (LTC) public benefits and insurance on the receipt of informal care provided by family members living outside the household in Italy and Spain. The choice of Italy and Spain comes from the fact that informal care is rather similar in these two countries while their respective public LTC financing systems are different. Our results support the hypothesis of LTC public support decreasing the receipt of informal care for Spain while reject it for Italy. They tend to confirm that the effect of public benefits on informal care depends on the typology of public coverage for LTC whereby access to proportional benefits negatively influences informal care receipt while access to cash benefits exerts a positive effect. Our results also suggest that private LTC insurance complements the public LTC financing system in place.

scholarly journals Military Intervention and the Destabilization of Target States

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Kaitlyn Rose ◽  
Hanna Samir Kassab
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Democratic Peace ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Dominant Form ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The World ◽  
Cold War Era ◽  
Target States

Conflict in nations around the world have often warranted involvement from external actors, either on behalf of or in opposition to the current regime. Foreign military intervention (FMI), regarding the development and evolution of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) over the years, has created power vacuums and destabilized the target states. In the post-Cold War era, intra-state conflict has replaced inter-state conflict as the dominant form of organized violence. In 2014, the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) reported that there were 40 active armed conflicts and 11 of which were labeled as wars, and while the number of armed conflicts in the world has decreased since the end of the Cold War, the number of internationalized armed conflicts is on the rise, giving the impression that the world is becoming ever more violent (Pettersson and Wallensteen, 2015). A fundamental component of liberalism is democratic peace theory, which states that liberal states (democracies) do not go to war with one another. Although democracies do not go to war with one another, this may not make them more peaceful than non-democracies (Navari 2008). This use of military force could further be utilized depending on the regime type of the recipient state, and intervention can be viewed as the new, liberal face of conflict in the post-Cold war era.

Identity Fusion and the Use of Force: A Group-Psychological Explanation for Support of Military Interventions

2019 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 381-395
Author(s):  
Marissa Theys ◽  
James S. Krueger ◽  
Francisco I. Pedraza
Keyword(s):  
Perceived Risk ◽  
Public Attitudes ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Psychological Explanation ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Military Interventions ◽  
Data Set ◽  
The Public ◽  
Identity Fusion

Under what circumstances will the public support military intervention in other countries? Recent answers have focused on the importance of identity and attachment to one’s nation to explain variation in public support. We posit that some segments of the public are more willing than others to support military action even when there is perceived risk due to a psychological attachment to veterans. We distinguish kinship, geographic, and psychological forms of propinquity and argue that the psychological attachment of an individual to a group drives disparate attitudes about military force when their group is threatened. Using a unique national data set, we examine public attitudes across a range of hypothetical and actual military interventions and find that psychological attachment, measured using identity fusion, helps to explain the pattern of support across interventions. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of our findings on the use of force literature.

IMPROVING MECHANISMS OF COOPERATION BETWEEN THE STATE BORDER SERVICE OF UKRAINE, PUBLIC ORGANISATIONS AND POPULATION

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (11) ◽  
pp. 91-101
Author(s):  
Iakiv Serhiiovych Halaniuk
Keyword(s):  
Political Stability ◽  
Subject Area ◽  
The State ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Border Area ◽  
Public Control ◽  
The Public ◽  
Mechanism Model ◽  
Public Organisations ◽  
The Military

The article highlights the author’s approach to improving coopera- tion mechanisms of the State Border Service of Ukraine with public organiza- tions and population. There has been analyzed public control as a means their cooperation and priorities of improving the cooperation, particularly, forms and methods of organizing citizens’ feedback, introduction of the assessment pro- cedure of the efficiency of the SBSU and population and public organization. There have been stated conceptual pillars of the public control development in the SBSU, developed by the author, including public control forms and resource provision. There has been considered a mechanism algorithm of the public par- ticipation in the development of the border administration through submitting petitions or proposals concerning a legally enforceable enactment draft (or the legally enforceable enactment currently in force). There has been represented a mechanism model of discussing legally enforceable enactments and public peti- tions, developed by the author. It is noted that one of the mechanisms of interac- tion of the SBSU with the public is effective public control, which becomes an in- tegral part of ensuring national security and political stability. The conditions of permanence of Ukraine's threats in the border area, and in certain areas and their exacerbation, along with further reforms of the institutes of Ukrainian statehood, cause the problem of establishing and implementing public control in the border area as an important and urgent one.It is proved that public control is intended to determine the correctness of the military-force policy in the border area, the validity of the scale and optimality of the forms of activity of the border guards. In accordance with all this, in the subject area of public control should be: political decisions on issues of border security, including international agreements; the expediency and validity of government programs for the provision and reform of the border authorities of Ukraine, assess- ment of the effectiveness of these programs and the procedure for making changes to them.

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