Part II The Relationship Between the Legislature and the Executive, 5 Legislative–Executive Relations in Presidential Democracies: The Case of Nigeria

Author(s):  
Sylvester Shikyil

This chapter examines how Nigeria’s legislature and executive interact and check each other in a manner that prevents the abuse of powers. Section 1 provides a general introduction. Section 2 focuses on the constitutional role of the legislature and the executive. Section 3 examines the features of Nigeria’s presidential system. Section 4 explores the areas of interaction between the legislature and the executive in the discharge of their constitutional roles. Section 5 discusses the causes of legislative–executive conflicts and their impact on good governance while Section 6 concludes. The chapter argues that although the constitution makes ample provisions for a clear separation of powers between the legislature, executive, and the judiciary as well as providing for checks and balances to guide the relationship between the three branches of government, democratic principles have not been fully embraced due to the military culture existing between 1966 and 1999.

2020 ◽  
Vol V (III) ◽  
pp. 11-23
Author(s):  
Bakht Munir ◽  
Zaheer Iqbal Cheema ◽  
Jawwad Riaz

Modern-day democracies are constructed on the constitutional mechanism of separation of powers introduced in the U.S. Constitution where Pakistan stands with no exception. With qualitative research methodology, this paper aims to investigate the following issues: origin and evolution of the concept of separation of powers with reference to formalist and functionalist theories, application of tripartite government in the context of Pakistan, why the application of this concept could not receive its due appreciation in Pakistan, the role of the military as an additional unavoidable stakeholder in the evolution of trichotomy of powers in the democratic transition and judicial response to circumscribe unbridled military regimes in Pakistan. This article also explicates how the state organs can help identify their jurisdictional bounds to avoid the potential threat of confrontation and suggests how in the transition of institutional demarcations self-realisation of constraints can play a considerable role to comprehend the spirit of constitutionalism.


2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 544-564 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federico Battera

This article argues that differences in Arab authoritarian regimes were mainly linked to the relationship between the state, the political party in power and the military. By exploring such differences in Tunisia, Egypt and Syria prior to the 2011 crisis, they are explained in the context of the political changes that ensued in the wake of the crisis. How the army played the dual role of instigating change while impeding it at crucial points in the transitional process is described. The mutual lack of autonomy between the state, the party and the military appears to have been a key factor in impeding change, whereas a clear separation of the functions of these institutions was more likely to enable political change to come about.


2019 ◽  
pp. 325-357
Author(s):  
Alison L. Young

When examining the recent evolution of the Constitution, it is argued that the UK has become more ‘legal’ as opposed to ‘political’. The last twenty years has seen a growth in legislation and case law, particularly that of the Supreme Court, regulating aspects of the UK constitution. This chapter investigates this claim. It argues that, whilst we can point to a growth in both legislation and case law, when we look at the case law more closely we can see that the courts balance an array of factors when determining how far to control executive actions. These factors include an analysis of the relative institutional features and constitutional role of the legislature, the executive and the courts. This evidence, in turn, questions the traditional understanding of the separation of powers as a hidden component of the UK constitution. It is not the case that courts merely balance the rule of law and parliamentary sovereignty in order to determine how far to control executive actions. Rather, the courts determine how to make this balance through the lens of the separation of powers, evaluating institutional and constitutional features. In doing so, they are upholding necessary checks and balances in the UK constitution.


Author(s):  
Leana A. Bouffard ◽  
Haerim Jin

This chapter provides an overview of the literature examining the role of religion and military service in the desistance process. It also identifies outstanding issues and directions for future research. It first presents an overview of research examining the role of religion in desistance and highlights measurement issues, potential intervening mechanisms, and a consideration of faith-based programs as criminal justice policy. Next, this chapter covers the relationship between military service and offending patterns, including period effects that explain variation in the relationship, selection effects, and the incorporation of military factors in criminal justice policy and programming. The chapter concludes by highlighting general conclusions from these two bodies of research and questions to be considered in future research.


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 94-102
Author(s):  
Zsolt Haig ◽  
Veronika Hajdu

Abstract In this paper the authors introduce the cognitive dimension that is becoming more and more important in the field of information operations with special regard to psychological operations (PSYOPS). The strengthening role of influencing skills and technological progress has created new avenues and opportunities in the military field. The paper seeks to point out the relationship between marketing and PSYOPS. In connection with this, the study intends to present a new approach to PSYOPS that can achieve the operational goals which set by the leader by applying guerrilla marketing tools and methods.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-30
Author(s):  
Beatriz Nunes Diógenes ◽  
Diane Espíndola

RESUMO:O objetivo deste artigo foi refletir sobre o atual papel do Poder Judiciário como porta-voz do texto constitucional e ator político em constante relação conflituosa com o legislativo. Discutiu-se sobre o ativismo judicial e a atuação do Supremo Tribunal Federal como legislador moral (superego da sociedade), a ideia do juiz herói e seus desdobramentos democráticos, principalmente quanto ao sistema de freios e contrapesos. Observou-se a existência de um movimento de hiperjudicialização de questões éticas e políticas, que acarreta o desequilíbrio da dinâmica institucional do modelo democrático. Conclui-se que a atuação do Poder Judiciário não deve ser marcada pelo decisionismo disfarçado de ordem de valores, nem tampouco deve atuar como legislador moral e nem permitir a ausência de vinculação ao padrão normativo. Foi sugerido, para tanto, o aperfeiçoamento da dinâmica institucional brasileira através da interação permanente entre o judiciário e o legislativo, em busca da formação de uma teoria normativa da separação de poderes que promova um debate qualitativo consubstanciado na razão pública, que resguarde direitos e tonifique a dimensão deliberativa do modelo político em vigor. Utilizou-se, para tal reflexão, do método de pesquisa bibliográfico.ABSTRACT:The purpose of this article was to reflect on the current role of the judiciary as a spokesperson for the constitutional text and political actor in constant conflicting relationship with the legislative. It was discussed about judicial activism and the performance of the Supreme Court as moral legislator (society’s superego), the idea of the judge hero and its democratic repercussions, especially regarding the system of checks and balances. The existence of a movement of hyperjudicialization of ethical and political issues was observed, which causes the imbalance of the institutional dynamics of the democratic model. It is concluded that the performance of the judiciary should not be marked by decisionism disguised as an order of values, nor should it act as a moral legislator or allow the absence of binding to the normative standard. To this end, it was suggested that the Brazilian institutional dynamics be improved through the permanent interaction between the judiciary and the legislature, seeking the formation of a normative theory of the separation of powers that promotes a qualitative debate embodied in public reason that safeguards rights and tones the deliberative dimension of the current political model. For such reflection, the bibliographic research method was used 


2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-265
Author(s):  
Anabela dos Reis Fonseca ◽  
Susana Jorge ◽  
Caio Nascimento

Abstract This paper discusses the link between accountability and internal auditing, particularly analyzing the extent to which the latter contributes to improve the former, in Higher Education Institutions (HEIs). This study applied a questionnaire to the management boards of a sample of HEIs, to empirical analyze the relationship between internal auditing and accountability. The main focus was on internal auditing carried out by the offices or departments in those institutions. The paper contributes to understand how management boards perceive internal auditing to foster transparency and accountability in HEIs, allowing to corroborate that auditing, and particularly internal auditing, favors the institutions’ accountability. In effect, it promotes the principles underlying accountability practices. The information provided in the scope of internal audits is acknowledged as contributing to improve management effectiveness and helping in decision-making. HEIs wanting to create an internal auditing office or to enhance the role of an existing one, should develop this office’s activities so that it becomes an instrument to support accountability and good governance of the organization. The sample consisted of Portuguese public HEIs, universities and polytechnics. Despite a certain international convergence regarding this type of public sector organizations, and regarding their purposes and governance, certain contextual specificities might limit the generalization of the findings for other jurisdictions.


Author(s):  
Barsotti Vittoria ◽  
Carozza Paolo G ◽  
Cartabia Marta ◽  
Simoncini Andrea

By presenting the Court’s principal lines of case law regarding the allocation of powers in the Italian constitutional system, this chapter explores the constitutionally regulated relationships among the President, Executive, Parliament, and Judiciary. It reveals that rather than a “separation of powers” in the conventional sense of contemporary constitutional models, the Italian system is best described as instituting a set of reciprocal “relations of powers” with the Constitutional Court as the “judge of powers” that maintains and guarantees these interrelationships of constitutional actors. The chapter explores this role of the Constitutional Court in its relations with both Parliament and the President of the Republic, as well as the Court’s regulation of the relationship between the President and the Executive.


Author(s):  
Peter Clegg ◽  
Derek O’Brien

The Turks and Caicos Islands, a British Overseas Territory, has witnessed a decade of constitutional and political upheaval; the consequences of which are still being felt. The locally elected government took advantage of its relative constitutional freedom to abuse its position and brought governance in the territory to almost beyond breaking point. The investigations that followed shone a bright light on how the local government operated, the checks and balances that were (or were not) in place, and the role of the British government, which is meant to uphold good governance in the territories. The chapter provides a detailed assessment of the constitutional, legal, and political issues and arguments that were used as the British government tried to correct the deep-seated structural weaknesses present in the TCI, and prosecute individual cases of venality that were uncovered. This case study is important in highlighting how tenuous constitutionality, democracy, and legality can be in small territories.


Author(s):  
Charles Manga Fombad

One reason why dictatorships flourished in Africa until the 1990s was that constitutions concentrated excessive powers in presidents. The democratic revival of the 1990s led to the introduction of new or substantially revised constitutions in a number of countries that for the first time sought to promote constitutionalism, good governance, and respect for the rule of law. A key innovation was the introduction of provisions providing for separation of powers. However, in many cases the reintroduction of multipartyism did not lead to thorough constitutional reform, setting the scene for a subsequent struggle between opposition parties, civil society, and the government, over the rule of law. This reflects the complex politics of constitutionalism in Africa over the last 60 years. In this context, it is important to note that most of the constitutions introduced at independence had provided for some degree of separation of powers, but the provisions relating to this were often vaguely worded and quickly undermined. Despite this, the doctrine of separation of powers has a long history, and the abundant literature on it shows that there is no general agreement on what it means or what its contemporary relevance is. Of the three main models of separation of powers, the American one, which comes closest to a “pure” system of separation of powers, and the British, which involves an extensive fusion of powers, have influenced developments in anglophone Africa. The French model, which combines elements of the British and American models but in which the executive predominates over the other two branches, has influenced developments in all civilian jurisdictions in Africa, particularly those in francophone Africa. The common denominator among the models is the desire to prevent tyrannical and arbitrary government by separating powers but doing so in a manner that allows for limited interference through checks and balances on the principle that le pouvoir arrête le pouvoir. The combined Anglo-American (common law) and French (civil law) models received during the colonial period remain applicable today, but despite its adoption in the 1990s, the effectiveness of the doctrine of separation of powers in limiting governmental abuse has been curtailed by the excessive powers African presidents still enjoy and the control they exercise over dominant parties in legislatures. South Africa in its 1996 Constitution, followed by Kenya in 2010 and Zimbabwe in 2013, entrenched a number of hybrid institutions of accountability that have the potential not only to complement the checks and balances provided by the traditional triad but also to act where it is unable or unwilling to do so. The advent of these institutions has given the doctrine of separation of powers renewed potency and relevance in advancing Africa’s faltering constitutionalism project.


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