Part III Regional Regimes, Ch.17 Regional Refugee Regimes: Latin America

Author(s):  
Fischel de Andrade José H

This chapter shows how Latin America has played a rather innovative and creative role in the development of regional political asylum and refugee regimes. It reviews both the historical contribution of Latin America’s political asylee and refugee sub-regimes, and the region’s protection situation and key challenges. The chapter aims to answer the following questions: what is the concept of the prevailing asylum regime in Latin America and what are its sub-regimes? What is the current protection legal framework in the region? What is the institutional framework and its contribution to the protection of asylum seekers, political asylees, and refugees in Latin America? What are the major protection challenges currently faced by the region? In terms of its regional coverage, it considers that, of the 35 independent States of the Americas that are members of the Organization of American States, 20 of these may be regarded as Latin American States—that is, bearers of Spanish, Portuguese, or French cultural and linguistic heritage.

2020 ◽  
pp. 121-128
Author(s):  
Amarilla Kiss

Maritime piracy is an activity that was considered defunct long ago and that Latin American countries experience it again in the 21st century. Since 2016 the number of attacks has increased dramatically involving armed robbery, kidnapping and massacre. Modern day piracy has nothing to do with the romantic illusion of the pirates of the Caribbean, this phenomenon is associated with the governmental, social or economic crisis of a state. When it appears, we can make further conclusions regarding the general conditions of the society in these states. But do these attacks really constitute piracy under international law? Does Latin American piracy have unique features that are different from piracy in the rest of the world? The study attempts to answer the questions why piracy matters in Latin America and how it relates to drug trafficking and terrorism. Apart from that, the study presents a legal aspect comparing the regulation of international law to domestic law, especially to the national law of Latin American states.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212110364
Author(s):  
Carsten-Andreas Schulz ◽  
Laura Levick

Latin American states have long been active participants in multilateral treaty making. However, the rich history of Latin American legal activism contrasts with debates about the degree to which these states commit to international agreements. We probe the existence of this purported ‘commitment gap’ by analyzing the signing and ratification of multilateral treaties. Are Latin American states less likely to ratify agreements they have signed than states from other world regions? Using survival analysis of an original dataset on multilateral treaties deposited with the UN Secretary-General, we find no difference between Latin America and North America/Europe in terms of ratification. If a commitment gap exists, it appears to be more evident in other regions, particularly East Asia, Africa, and the Anglo-Caribbean. To the extent that there is a ‘commitment gap’ at the regional level in Latin America, it is unlikely to be due to country-level factors such as domestic institutions.


Author(s):  
Iñigo García-Bryce

This chapter explores Haya’s changing relationship with the United States. As an exiled student leader he denounced “Yankee imperialism” and alarmed observers in the U.S. State Department. Yet once he entered Peruvian politics, Haya understood the importance of cultivating U.S.-Latin American relations. While in hiding he maintained relations with U.S. intellectuals and politicians and sought U.S. support for his embattled party. His writings increasingly embraced democracy and he maneuvered to position APRA as an ally in the U.S. fight fascism during the 1930s and 40s, and then communism during the Cold War. The five years he spent in Lima’s Colombian embassy awaiting the resolution of his political asylum case, made him into an international symbol of the democratic fight against dictatorship. He would always remain a critic of U.S. support for dictatorships in Latin America.


Author(s):  
Romero Eduardo Silva

This chapter discusses the recent resurgence of ‘resource nationalism’ in the Latin American region. These include the shift in the political and economic control of the energy sector from foreign, private interests to domestic, state-controlled companies and the disputes this has triggered. After looking at the historical background of investor-state arbitration in Latin America, the chapter analyzes relevant strategies used by investors and states to defend their standpoint on resource nationalism. It also identifies which ones have proved most successful in relation to fiscal measures and nationalizations by certain Latin American states. The chapter also provides an assessment of corporate restructuring strategies used by foreign companies to challenge these types of resource nationalism measures.


1965 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 714-727
Author(s):  
Bryce Wood ◽  
Minerva Morales M.

When the governments of the Latin American states were taking part in the negotiations leading to the founding of the UN, they could hardly have done so with nostalgic memories of the League of Nations. The League had provided no protection to the Caribbean countries from interventions by the United States, and, largely because of United States protests, it did not consider the Tacna-Arica and Costa Rica-Panama disputes in the early 1920's. Furthermore, Mexico had not been invited to join; Brazil withdrew in 1926; and Argentina and Peru took little part in League affairs. The organization was regarded as being run mainly for the benefit of European states with the aid of what Latin Americans called an “international bureaucracy,” in which citizens from the southern hemisphere played minor roles. The United States was, of course, not a member, and both the reference to the Monroe Doctrine by name in Article 21 of the Covenant and the organization's practice of shunning any attempt to interfere in inter-American affairs against the wishes of the United States made the League in its first decade a remote and inefficacious institution to countries that were seriously concerned about domination by Washington.


1991 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 53-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andres Serbin

In 1990, the relationship between the states of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) and the Latin American states of the Caribbean Basin seemed to have entered a new phase characterized by movement toward convergence, rapprochement, and initiatives of horizontal cooperation. This situation contrasts sharply with a past marked by persistent tensions and divergent views, rooted in legacies dating from colonial times of mutually disqualifying ethno-historical perceptions and boundary disputes and marked by frequent differences within the context of international organizations (Serbín, 1989a, 1989b, 1990d; Serbín and Bryan, 1990).


Author(s):  
Yolanda Carmela Vaccaro Alexander

Los ciudadanos latinoamericanos que residen en España disfrutan de un marco legal diferenciado respecto de lo que atañe a los residentes procedentes de otras zonas en el marco de los lazos históricos y culturales que unen España y Latinoamérica reflejados en la legislación española. España mantiene suscritos convenios de Doble Nacionalidad con la mayor parte de países latinoamericanos. Y, desde 2009, ha suscrito tratados de reciprocidad en materia de sufragio en elecciones locales con diferentes países, la mayor parte de ellos latinoamericanos, tratados que permitieron que en las elecciones locales celebradas en España el 22 de mayo de 2011 los latinoamericanos concernidos pudieran ejercer el derecho al voto activo en España por primera vez sin necesidad de haberse acogido a los mencionados convenios de Doble Nacionalidad. La encuesta «Ciudadanía inmigrante», analizada en este artículo y realizada para la tesis doctoral «Derechos civiles y políticos de los residentes latinoamericanos en España. El derecho de sufragio», de la doctoranda autora de este artículo, da pautas sobre la percepción de los latinoamericanos residentes en España en torno a los derechos civiles y políticos y sobre su comportamiento respecto de los citados comicios de 2011.Latin American citizens residing in Spain enjoy a distinct legal framework compared to other foreign residents. That difference is based on the historical and cultural relations between Spain and Latin America. Spain has agreements on dual nationality with most Latin American countries. Starting in 2009 Spain has signed several reciprocity agreements about the right to vote in local elections with several countries, most of them in Latin America. On May 22, 2011 many Latin American citizens residing in Spain could exercise their right to vote in the Spanish local elections for the first time without having dual citizenship. The «Immigrant Citizenship» survey, analyzed in this article and developed for the doctoral thesis «Civil and Political Rights of Latin American Residents in Spain. The right to vote», provides guidance on the perception of Latin American living in Spain about civil and political rights and their behavior with respect to said elections.


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 47-67
Author(s):  
Dr. Aldo Mascareño

Abstract Populism has been one of the most outstanding features of Latin American politics throughout the 20th century. By controlling political and economic operations and appealing to the semantic construction of pueblo (the people), populism has succeeded in shaping a regional variant of functional differentiation. This process is analyzed along three phases of Latin American history, the pre-populist age of caudillos, the classic populism in the 20th century, and the neo-populist period in the 21st century. The article concludes with a reflection on the consequences of populism for the institutional framework in Latin America.


2003 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
HUGO RELVA

The implementation of the provisions of treaties and conventions is a duty arising from conventional and customary international law. In the case of the Rome Statute this duty is implied, since only by fulfilling it will states be able properly to comply with the obligation of complementarity. Moreover, the entire Statute is based on the assumption that states parties will in most cases be able and willing to investigate and prosecute crimes. Implementing the Rome Statute in Latin America is complicated by gaps existing in domestic legislation and the special characteristics of the legislation of civil law states.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 177
Author(s):  
Fábio Accardo de Freitas

Este artigo tem como objetivo compreender a relação sobre a formação do Estado na América Latina com o levantamento armado do Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional (EZLN) no sul do México. A reflexão é desenvolvida através da análise de trechos da Primera Declaración de la Selva Lancadona do EZLN, documento que ajuda a ilustrar o caminho de argumentação do texto: a tragédia da questão nacional, baseada na colonialidade do poder, que se expressa também em um colonialismo interno violento, pós-independências, contra os povos marginalizados, principalmente negros, indígenas e mestiços. O artigo parte da discussão inicial sobre a formação do Estado latino-americano e as colonialidades à que foram submetidos os povos da América. Diante desse quadro mais amplo, refletimos sobre o problema do índio na questão nacional, apresentando a crítica que o movimento indígena latino-americano tem engendrado nesse processo, apontando seus tensionamentos e lutas contra as colonialidades do poder e do saber. Nesse sentido, aproximamos o levante zapatista, a partir da sua Primeira Declaração, das lutas indígenas contra a estrutura colonial/moderna e o processo de formação dos Estados latino-americanos. Ao final, destacamos de que maneira a questão da educação também insere-se na discussão da questão nacional na América Latina, como uma das facetas da colonialidade do saber, e como as propostas de autonomia dos povos indígenas se articulam no enfrentamento às colonialidade do poder e do saber.Palavras-chave: Educação. Estado. Movimento Indígena. Declaration against the tragedy of the national question and of education: the Zapatista uprising against the Latin American nationstateABSTRACTThis article intends to understand the links between the formation of the State in Latin America and the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, EZLN) armed uprising in southern Mexico, through the analysis of excerpts from the First Declaration of the Selva Lancadona, an EZLN document which illustrates the main reasoning of this text: the tragedy of the national question based on the coloniality of power, which expresses itself as post-independence internal colonialist violence against marginalized people - mainly blacks, indigenous and mestizos. Starting from the debate on the Latin American State formation and the colonialities imposed on its indigenous people in this process, the article also discusses the indigenous presence in the national question, presenting the critique placed by the indigenous people’s movement onto those processes, pointing out the tensions and struggles against the colonialist nature of power and knowledge. In this sense, through its First Declaration, the Zapatista uprising draws itself closer to the indigenous people’s struggles O Programa de Pós Graduação em Educação: Conhecimento e Inclusão Social, da Faculdade de Educação da UFMG (PPGE/FaE/UFMG) against the Latin American states’ colonial/ modern structure and its formation process. Lastly, the article highlights the manner through which education inserts itself as a matter of national discussion in Latin America as one side of the coloniality of knowledge, and how proposals for the autonomy of the indigenous people articulates themselves against the colonial nature of power and knowledge.Keywords: Education. State. Indigenous Movement. Declaración contra la tragedia de la cuestión nacional y de la educación: el levante del EZLN contra el Estado-nación latinoamericanoRESUMENEste artículo tiene como objetivo comprender la relación acerca la formación del Estado en la América Latina con el levantamiento armado del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN) en el sur de México. La reflexión se hace a través del análisis de fragmentos de la Primera Declaración de la Selva Lancadona del EZLN, documento que ayuda a ilustrar el camino de argumentación del texto: la tragedia de la cuestión nacional, basada en la colonialidad del poder, que se expresa también en un colonialismo interno violento, post-independencias, contra los pueblos marginalizados, principalmente negros, indígenas y mestizos. El artículo parte de una discusión inicial sobre la formación del Estado latinoamericano y las colonialidades a la que fueron sometidos los pueblos de América. Ante ese cuadro más amplio, reflejamos acerca del problema del indio en la cuestión nacional, presentamos la crítica que el movimiento indígena latinoamericano ha engendrado en ese proceso, apuntando sus tensiones y luchas contra las colonialidades del poder y del saber. En ese sentido, acercamos el levante zapatista, a partir de su Primera Declaración, a las luchas indígenas contra la estructura colonial/ moderna y el proceso de formación de los estados latinoamericanos. Al fi nal, destacamos la manera que la cuestión de la educación también se inserta en la discusión de la cuestión nacional en América Latina, como una de las facetas de la colonialidad del saber, y cómo las propuestas de autonomía de los pueblos indígenas se articulan en el enfrentamiento a las colonialidades del poder y del saber.Palabras clave: Educación. Estado. Movimiento Indígena


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