scholarly journals Declaração contra a trágedia da questão nacional e da educação: o levante do EZLN contra o Estado-nação latino-americano

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 177
Author(s):  
Fábio Accardo de Freitas
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Indigenous People ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Formation Process ◽  
Southern Mexico ◽  
La Selva ◽  
American States ◽  
National Question ◽  
Indigenous Movement ◽  
America Latina

Este artigo tem como objetivo compreender a relação sobre a formação do Estado na América Latina com o levantamento armado do Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional (EZLN) no sul do México. A reflexão é desenvolvida através da análise de trechos da Primera Declaración de la Selva Lancadona do EZLN, documento que ajuda a ilustrar o caminho de argumentação do texto: a tragédia da questão nacional, baseada na colonialidade do poder, que se expressa também em um colonialismo interno violento, pós-independências, contra os povos marginalizados, principalmente negros, indígenas e mestiços. O artigo parte da discussão inicial sobre a formação do Estado latino-americano e as colonialidades à que foram submetidos os povos da América. Diante desse quadro mais amplo, refletimos sobre o problema do índio na questão nacional, apresentando a crítica que o movimento indígena latino-americano tem engendrado nesse processo, apontando seus tensionamentos e lutas contra as colonialidades do poder e do saber. Nesse sentido, aproximamos o levante zapatista, a partir da sua Primeira Declaração, das lutas indígenas contra a estrutura colonial/moderna e o processo de formação dos Estados latino-americanos. Ao final, destacamos de que maneira a questão da educação também insere-se na discussão da questão nacional na América Latina, como uma das facetas da colonialidade do saber, e como as propostas de autonomia dos povos indígenas se articulam no enfrentamento às colonialidade do poder e do saber.Palavras-chave: Educação. Estado. Movimento Indígena. Declaration against the tragedy of the national question and of education: the Zapatista uprising against the Latin American nationstateABSTRACTThis article intends to understand the links between the formation of the State in Latin America and the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, EZLN) armed uprising in southern Mexico, through the analysis of excerpts from the First Declaration of the Selva Lancadona, an EZLN document which illustrates the main reasoning of this text: the tragedy of the national question based on the coloniality of power, which expresses itself as post-independence internal colonialist violence against marginalized people - mainly blacks, indigenous and mestizos. Starting from the debate on the Latin American State formation and the colonialities imposed on its indigenous people in this process, the article also discusses the indigenous presence in the national question, presenting the critique placed by the indigenous people’s movement onto those processes, pointing out the tensions and struggles against the colonialist nature of power and knowledge. In this sense, through its First Declaration, the Zapatista uprising draws itself closer to the indigenous people’s struggles O Programa de Pós Graduação em Educação: Conhecimento e Inclusão Social, da Faculdade de Educação da UFMG (PPGE/FaE/UFMG) against the Latin American states’ colonial/ modern structure and its formation process. Lastly, the article highlights the manner through which education inserts itself as a matter of national discussion in Latin America as one side of the coloniality of knowledge, and how proposals for the autonomy of the indigenous people articulates themselves against the colonial nature of power and knowledge.Keywords: Education. State. Indigenous Movement. Declaración contra la tragedia de la cuestión nacional y de la educación: el levante del EZLN contra el Estado-nación latinoamericanoRESUMENEste artículo tiene como objetivo comprender la relación acerca la formación del Estado en la América Latina con el levantamiento armado del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN) en el sur de México. La reflexión se hace a través del análisis de fragmentos de la Primera Declaración de la Selva Lancadona del EZLN, documento que ayuda a ilustrar el camino de argumentación del texto: la tragedia de la cuestión nacional, basada en la colonialidad del poder, que se expresa también en un colonialismo interno violento, post-independencias, contra los pueblos marginalizados, principalmente negros, indígenas y mestizos. El artículo parte de una discusión inicial sobre la formación del Estado latinoamericano y las colonialidades a la que fueron sometidos los pueblos de América. Ante ese cuadro más amplio, reflejamos acerca del problema del indio en la cuestión nacional, presentamos la crítica que el movimiento indígena latinoamericano ha engendrado en ese proceso, apuntando sus tensiones y luchas contra las colonialidades del poder y del saber. En ese sentido, acercamos el levante zapatista, a partir de su Primera Declaración, a las luchas indígenas contra la estructura colonial/ moderna y el proceso de formación de los estados latinoamericanos. Al fi nal, destacamos la manera que la cuestión de la educación también se inserta en la discusión de la cuestión nacional en América Latina, como una de las facetas de la colonialidad del saber, y cómo las propuestas de autonomía de los pueblos indígenas se articulan en el enfrentamiento a las colonialidades del poder y del saber.Palabras clave: Educación. Estado. Movimiento Indígena

From proclamation to denial

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Alès
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Indigenous People ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
American States ◽  
Participation Politique ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
Peuples Autochtones

English Abstract:The indigenous people of Venezuela, long excluded from political participation, registered a whole set of rights within the new constitution in 1999. However, the proclamation of these rights did not ensure their full implementation and, a fortiori, their purpose to protect the survival of indigenous peoples. This article presents an analysis of the processes through which indigenous rights have been allocated but poorly implemented and even substantially withdrawn. In many Latin American states, the rights that promote autonomy and self-government are actively abandoned notwithstanding cultural, political, and economic contexts be they progressive or conservative. Through this analysis, this article proposes the concept of “proclamation-denial”. While this concept is relevant for numerous Latin American countries, this article highlights the specificities of the Venezuelan case.Spanish Abstract: Los pueblos indígenas de Venezuela, históricamente excluidos de la participación política, lograron que se registrara todo un conjunto de derechos particulares dentro de la nueva constitución en 1999. Sin embargo, la proclamación de estos derechos no garantizó su plena aplicación y, a fortiori, su propósito de proteger la supervivencia de los pueblos indígenas. Este artículo analiza los procesos por los cuales los derechos indígenas han sido legalmente asignados pero débilmente implementados, y hasta desconocidos sustancialmente. En muchos estados latinoamericanos, los derechos que promueven la autonomía y el autogobierno son activamente abandonados, y esto que el contexto cultural, político y económico sea progresista o conservador. A través de este análisis, este artículo propone el concepto de «proclamación-negación». Si bien este concepto es relevante para numerosos países de América Latina, el texto destaca las especificidades del caso venezolano.French Abstract:Longtemps exclus de la participation politique, les autochtones du Venezuela ont su inscrire tout un ensemble de droits particuliers au sein de la nouvelle constitution en 1999. La proclamation de ces droits n’a cependant pas garanti leur pleine application ni, a fortiori, son objectif de protéger la survivance des peuples autochtones. Cet article présente une analyse des processus par lesquels les droits autochtones ont été attribués mais faiblement implémentés, et ont même substantiellement régressé. Dans plusieurs Etats d’Amérique latine, les droits qui promeuvent l’autonomie et l’auto-gouvernement sont activement abandonnés, indépendamment du fait que le contexte culturel, politique et économique soit progressiste ou conservateur. A travers cette analyse, l’article propose le concept de «proclamation-dénégation». Tandis que ce concept est pertinent pour de nombreux pays d’Amérique latine, le texte illustre les spécificités du cas vénézuélien.

scholarly journals A HEGEMONIA DISSOCIADA E O PAPEL IDEOLÓGICO DA CEPAL NOS ANOS DE 1950 A 1960

2017 ◽  
pp. 362
Author(s):  
Rachel Aguiar Estevam do Carmo
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Latin America ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Development Project ◽  
American States ◽  
Economic Commission ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
America Latina

O presente artigo aborda a noção hegemonia dissociada como forma de entender o projeto ideológico da Comissão Econômica para América Latina (CEPAL) nos anos de 1950 a 1960. Entende-se que a CEPAL contribuiu para a construção do pensamento moderno na América Latina ao incentivar a formação de novos pesquisadores e na construção da Teoria do Subdesenvolvimento, corrente teórica que rompe com os escritos advindos das Nações Unidas e que procura explicar a realidade latino-americana a partir de dentro, focando na saída da condição subdesenvolvida por meio da ampliação e construção do parque industrial. Utilizamos os escritos gramscianos para compreender esse momento hegemônico de reorganização dos Estados latino-americanos em que a CEPAL serviu para dar suporte no projeto de desenvolvimento econômico voltado para a supressão da condição de subdesenvolvimento e também como manifestação que se dissocia dos preceitos das Nações Unidas da qual a CEPAL estava subordinada teoricamente. Nesse sentido, o termo hegemonia dissociada ajuda a realocar o papel da CEPAL nos anos de 1950 e 1960 como a luz capaz de levar a modernidade para a periferia do capitalismo.Palavras-chave: Hegemonia Dissociada; CEPAL; Desenvolvimento Econômico. THE DISSOCIATED HEGEMONY AND THE IDEOLOGICAL ROLE OF CEPAL IN THE YEARS 1950 TO 1960AbstractThis article addresses the concept of dissociated hegemony as un way of understanding the ideological project of the Economic Commission for Latin America (CEPAL) in the years 1950 to 1960. It is understood that CEPAL contributed to the construction of modern thinking in Latin America by encouraging formation of new researchers and the construction of the Theory of Underdevelopment, a theoretical current that breaks with the writings of the United Nations and seeks to explain the Latin American reality from within focusing on the way out of the underdeveloped condition through the expansion and construction of the industrial park. We use the writings of Gramsci to understand this hegemonic moment of reorganization of the Latin American States in which CEPAL served to support the economic development project aimed at suppressing the condition of underdevelopment and also as a manifestation that dissociates itself from the United Nations because of team cepalino to have been subordinate theoretically. In this sense, the term dissociated hegemony helps to reallocate the role of CEPAL in the 1950s and 1960s as the light that capable of bringing modernity to the periphery of capitalism.Keywords: Dissociated Hegemony; CEPAL; Economic Development.

scholarly journals De las fronteras coloniales del imperio hispánico en América a los límites internacionales entre Estados latinoamericanos independientes: génesis de la imposibilidad de un mapa político de Sudamérica consensuado = From the colonial borders of the Hispanic Empire in America to the international borders between independent Latin American states: the genesis of the impossibility of a consensual political map of South America

2019 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 207
Author(s):  
Carla Lois
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
South America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
American States ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Royal Road ◽  
Siglo Xix ◽  
Legal Difficulties ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Bureaucratic Institutions

Resumen: Los límites coloniales de América Latina habían sido definidos vagamente durante siglos: eran límites administrativos que organizaban la administración de un extenso territorio (para los cánones europeos), ocupado efectivamente de manera dispersa e irregular, con un archipiélago de enclaves urbanos conectados por el Camino Real.Desde las guerras de independencia (1800 - 1860), muchos territorios nacionales quedaron definidos, jurídicamente, a partir del principio del utis possidetis (la aceptación de antiguas unidades administrativas coloniales para los nuevos estados independientes) pero, de facto, el establecimiento efectivo de los límites territoriales se convirtió en uno de los problemas más difíciles de resolver para los nuevos estados latinoamericanos, en primer lugar debido a los constantes desacuerdos entre las partes y también debido la debilidad de los aparatos institucionales burocráticos que no disponían de medios materiales, instrumentales y recursos humanos para zanjar las disputas territoriales.Además, a lo largo del siglo XIX, al mismo tiempo que se constituían los estados nuevos en América latina y configuraban sus propios territorios se estaba reconceptualizando la propia idea de límite territorial, tanto en el terreno de la jurisprudencia internacional como en la teoría política: mientras que durante mucho tiempo los límites podían ser zonas o franjas de bordes difusos, los procesos de formación territorial modernos requirieron límites que pudieran escribirse en forma de líneas sobre los mapas. En la práctica los límites antiguos y nuevos fueron dibujados y rediseñados a lo largo del siglo XX durante complejas negociaciones, alianzas inestables y contiendas militares, e incluso algunos de ellos no pudieron resolverse y continúan sin encontrar solución.A las dificultades técnicas y jurídicas intrínsecas la demarcación de los límites, hay que agregar que las tradiciones historiográficas nacionales (y nacionalistas) que elaboraron relatos de formación territorial y argumentaciones para sostener sus reclamos territoriales que hicieron literalmente imposible que el montaje de los mapas de los nuevos estados nacionales latinoamericanos elaborados por cada país diera por resultado un mismo mapa político coherente de América latina (por el contrario, cada país latinoamericano produjo mapas de Sudamérica demarcando las fronteras de maneras diferentes).Este artículo explora la variedad de situaciones que se generaron para resolver el quimérico mapa político de Sudamérica y cómo los relatos que los propios estados nacionales crearon para narrar sus historias territoriales tendieron a construir historiografías autocentradas que prefirieron ignorar o desdibujar el proceso de formación territorial en el nivel regional de América latina concebido como un asunto de conjunto.Palabras clave: Mapa político, América latina, nación, límites, demarcación territorialAbstract: For centuries colonial boundaries in Latin America had been defined vaguely: they were administrative boundaries organising the administration of an extensive territory (for European canons), effectively occupied in a dispersed and irregular manner, with an archipelago of urban enclaves connected by the Camino Real (Royal Road).Since the wars of independence (1800 - 1860), many national territories were, de jure, defined from the principle of utis possidetis (the acceptance of old colonial administrative units for the new independent states) but, de facto, not effectively established as having territorial limits, giving rise to one of the greatest challenges for the nascent Latin American States. This was first due to the constant disagreement between the parties and second to the weaknesses in bureaucratic institutions lacking the materials, instruments and human resources to settle disputes.In addition, throughout the 19th century, hand-in-hand with the territorial formation of these modern states, there was a progressive reconceptualisation of the idea of the territorial limit, shifting from a strip or zone to a discrete, cartographic line. In practice, the 20th century saw old and new boundaries drawn and redrawn through complex negotiations, unstable alliances and military strife, some never settling and remaining today unresolved.Added to the technical and legal difficulties intrinsic to the demarcation of borders are national (and nationalist) historiographic traditions narrating stories of territorial formation and constructing arguments to sustain their territorial claims, making it literally impossible for the assembly of maps drawn up by the new Latin American nation states ever to result in a coherent political picture of Latin America.This article explores the variety of situations that were generated to solve the chimerical political map of South America and how the stories that the nation states created to narrate their territorial histories tended to build self-centred historiographies that ignored or blurred the global process of territorial formation in Latin America.Key words: Political map, Latin America, nation, borders, territorial demarcation.

scholarly journals A HEGEMONIA DISSOCIADA E O PAPEL IDEOLÓGICO DA CEPAL NOS ANOS DE 1950 A 1960

2017 ◽  
pp. 362-381
Author(s):  
Rachel Aguiar Estevam do Carmo
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Latin America ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Development Project ◽  
American States ◽  
Economic Commission ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
America Latina

O presente artigo aborda a noção hegemonia dissociada como forma de entender o projeto ideológico da Comissão Econômica para América Latina (CEPAL) nos anos de 1950 a 1960. Entende-se que a CEPAL contribuiu para a construção do pensamento moderno na América Latina ao incentivar a formação de novos pesquisadores e na construção da Teoria do Subdesenvolvimento, corrente teórica que rompe com os escritos advindos das Nações Unidas e que procura explicar a realidade latino-americana a partir de dentro, focando na saída da condição subdesenvolvida por meio da ampliação e construção do parque industrial. Utilizamos os escritos gramscianos para compreender esse momento hegemônico de reorganização dos Estados latino-americanos em que a CEPAL serviu para dar suporte no projeto de desenvolvimento econômico voltado para a supressão da condição de subdesenvolvimento e também como manifestação que se dissocia dos preceitos das Nações Unidas da qual a CEPAL estava subordinada teoricamente. Nesse sentido, o termo hegemonia dissociada ajuda a realocar o papel da CEPAL nos anos de 1950 e 1960 como a luz capaz de levar a modernidade para a periferia do capitalismo.Palavras-chave: Hegemonia Dissociada; CEPAL; Desenvolvimento Econômico. THE DISSOCIATED HEGEMONY AND THE IDEOLOGICAL ROLE OF CEPAL IN THE YEARS 1950 TO 1960AbstractThis article addresses the concept of dissociated hegemony as un way of understanding the ideological project of the Economic Commission for Latin America (CEPAL) in the years 1950 to 1960. It is understood that CEPAL contributed to the construction of modern thinking in Latin America by encouraging formation of new researchers and the construction of the Theory of Underdevelopment, a theoretical current that breaks with the writings of the United Nations and seeks to explain the Latin American reality from within focusing on the way out of the underdeveloped condition through the expansion and construction of the industrial park. We use the writings of Gramsci to understand this hegemonic moment of reorganization of the Latin American States in which CEPAL served to support the economic development project aimed at suppressing the condition of underdevelopment and also as a manifestation that dissociates itself from the United Nations because of team cepalino to have been subordinate theoretically. In this sense, the term dissociated hegemony helps to reallocate the role of CEPAL in the 1950s and 1960s as the light that capable of bringing modernity to the periphery of capitalism.Keywords: Dissociated Hegemony; CEPAL; Economic Development.

scholarly journals ANÍBAL QUIJANO, RETROCESSO SOCIAL E CRISE: a condição periférica e as mazelas do tempo presente

2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 570
Author(s):  
Rayann Kettuly Massahud de Carvalho
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
World System ◽  
Present Moment ◽  
American States ◽  
The World ◽  
America Latina ◽  
The Relationship

Este artigo pretende realizar uma análise sobre a relação entre a condição periférica latino-americana e o presente momento de retrocesso social vivenciado na região. Isto é, busca compreender o que há de específico na América Latina, enquanto periferia do sistema-mundo, que possibilita o avanço do autoritarismo e a redução de direitos. Para isso, utiliza a obra do teórico descolonial Aníbal Quijano para investigar as especificidades da democracia e dos Estados modernos latinoamericanos. É possível concluir, então, que referidas mazelas presentes na região estão correlacionadas tanto com a localização geopolítica quanto com o papel desempenhado pelas elites nacionais.Palavras-chave: América-Latina. Giro-decolonial. Colonialidade. Retrocesso social. Crise.ANÍBAL QUIJANO, SOCIAL REGRESSION AND CRISIS: the peripheral condition and the ailments of the present timeAbstractThis article intends to carry out an analysis of the relationship between the Latin American peripheral condition and the present moment of social regression experienced in the region. That is, it seeks to understand what is specific inLatin America, as the periphery of the world-system, which makes it possible to advance authoritarianism and reduce rights. For that, it uses the work of decolonial theorist Aníbal Quijano to investigate the specificities of democracy and modern Latin American states. It is possible to conclude, then, that these ailments present in the region are correlated both with the geopolitical location and the role played by national elites.Keywords: Latin America. Decolonial turn. Coloniality. Social regression. Crisis.

The Sovereign and its Shadow: Constituent Assembly and Indigenous Movement in Ecuador

2003 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 721-750 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT ANDOLINA
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Latin American Politics ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Institutional Politics ◽  
Ideological Struggle ◽  
Indigenous Movement ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Constitutive Principles

A crucial development in current Latin American politics is the growing involvement of indigenous movements in democracies grappling with the challenges of regime consolidation. This article examines how Ecuador's indigenous movement consecrated new rights and national constitutive principles in the 1997–8 constitutional assembly. It argues that the indigenous movement defined the legitimacy and purpose of the assembly through an ideological struggle with other political actors, in turn shaping the context and content of constitutional reforms in Ecuador. The article concludes that softening the boundary between ‘cultural politics’ and ‘institutional politics’ is necessary in order to understand the impact of social movements in Latin America.

scholarly journals El dia que me quieras

2011 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 685
Author(s):  
Paulo Braz Clemencio Schettino
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
Latino Americans ◽  
Theater Music ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Present Text ◽  
Shed Light ◽  
Viewing Experience

As lembranças que restaram amarelecidas e transformadas pelo decurso do tempo na memória consciente a partir da experiência de espectador das artes sonoras e imagéticas da pintura, do teatro, da música e do cinema sobre as questões da latinidade nas Américas em confronto com a vivência de idêntica problemática política nos dias atuais – 30 anos depois. Revisitação de um tempo passado em busca de sua atualidade, e análise comparada de quatro textos de categorias diferentes, abrigados sob um mesmo título – El Dia Que Me Quieras – em exercício de intertextualidade. A pesquisa que antecedeu o presente texto pretende ao menos compreender e se possível lançar luz sobre a questão da América Latina, Latinidade e Latino-americanos. Palavras-chave: América Latina; Colonialismo; Latinidade. “The day that you love me” Abstract: The memories that remain yellowed and turned the course of time in conscious memory from the viewing experience of sound and image arts of painting, theater, music and film on the issues of Latin civilization in the Americas in comparison with the experience of similar political issue today – 30 years later. A visitation of time spent in search of his current and comparative analysis of four texts of different categories, sheltered under the same title – El Dia Que Me Quieras – intertextuality in exercise. The research that preceded the present text intends to at least understand and can shed light on the question of Latin American, Latina and Latino Americans. Keywords: Latin America; Colonialism; Latinity.

scholarly journals Una aproximación al constitucionalismo latinoamericano, características principales y nuevas tendencias // An approach to the Latin-American constitutionalism, main characteristics, and new trends.

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (100) ◽  
pp. 1239
Author(s):  
Carlos Hakansson
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Comparative Law ◽  
First Approximation ◽  
The Common ◽  
America Latina

Resumen:El presente trabajo es una primera aproximación a las diversas manifestacionesdel constitucionalismo en América Latina, a partir de algunas referencias comunes: Revolución Francesa, Derecho Comparado y alusiones a la modernidad. Summary:I. The common traits of the latin american constitutions. II. Content of the latin american constitutions. III. The degree of modernity of the latin american constitutions. IV. Constitutional trends. V. An approach to ibero-american presidential model. VI. Prospects for latin american constitutionalism.Abstract:The present paper is a first approximation on the diverse manifestations of the constitutionalism in Latin America, starting from some common references: French Revolution, Comparative Law, and allusions to modernity.

scholarly journals Causas de la participación de la mujer en la guerrilla de América Latina

1970 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 105-122
Author(s):  
Magdalena Śniadecka-Kotarska
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
Short Summary ◽  
Participation Of Women ◽  
The Social ◽  
Militant Groups ◽  
America Latina

The article was originally published without an abstract, short summary by Michal Gilewski The article studies what is causing women to join guerillas in Latin America. The participation of women in such militant groups started with the leftist guerillas of the second half of the 20th century. The article describes different backgrounds and different reasons for the women to join armed struggle groups. It also describes how women functioned in the social, ideological and biological dimensions of guerillas. Śniadecka-Kotarska suggests that, although the guerilla movement failed to achieve its goals of socio-political transformation of Latin American societies, it made an important contribution to the emancipation of women in these societies.  

scholarly journals CRECIMIENTO ECONÓMICO Y DESIGUALDAD EN ASIA, EUROPA Y AMÉRICA LATINA, 1990-2019

2020 ◽  
Vol 80 (315) ◽  
pp. 59
Author(s):  
Verónica Cerezo García ◽  
Heri Oscar Landa Díaz
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Income Distribution ◽  
Trade Liberalization ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Exogenous Shock ◽  
America Latina ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Sample Set

<p>El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar el efecto de la liberalización comercial sobre la productividad, la distribución del ingreso y el crecimiento económico, además de examinar la capacidad de absorción que este proceso ha concedido a los países ante choques externos, como el Covid-19. Empíricamente, tomamos pie en la taxonomía de crecimiento y desigualdad de Fajnzylber (1990) y en un modelo panel para evaluar esta relación en Asia, América Latina y Europa durante el periodo 1990-2019. Los principales resultados muestran: 1) co-movimiento entre crecimiento y equidad en Asia, mientras que en América Latina hay rezagos significativos, y 2) la productividad y la competitividad no precio constituyen el factor dinamizante en Asia y Europa.</p><p align="center"><strong> </strong></p><p align="center">ECONOMIC GROWTH AND INEQUALITY IN ASIA, EUROPE, AND LATIN AMERICA, 1990-2019</p><p align="center"><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>The paper’s aim is to analyse the effect of trade liberalization on productivity, income distribution and economic growth. The ability of a free-market oriented economy to fence off an exogenous shock such as the Covid-19 pandemic is also dealt with. Following Fajnzylber’s (1990) taxonomy of growth and inequality, we assess the relationship between trade liberalisation, growth and income distribution for a sample set of Asian, Latin American, and European countries over the period 1990-2019. Our main empirical results show that there exist: 1) a co-movement between growth and equality in Asia, but significant lags in both respects prevail in Latin America; 2) productivity and non-price competitiveness are the dynamizing factors in both Asia and Europe</p>

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document