Migrant Detention and Incarceration

Criminology ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Enrique Alvear ◽  
Patrisia Macías-Rojas
Keyword(s):  
Justice System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Global Capitalism ◽  
Immigration Enforcement ◽  
Private Business ◽  
Global Trends ◽  
The Social ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
And Gender

Over the last 30 years, the detention of irregular immigrants, undocumented workers, and the incarceration of immigration “offenders” has been on the rise. After 9/11, the social construction of immigrants as a source of “danger” reached a new scale, and the mechanisms through which immigration enforcement reproduces the criminal justice system became even more sophisticated. This article discusses the expansion of migrant detention in the overall “punitive turn” of immigration enforcement, the frequent tension between the state’s practices of power and detainees’ human rights, and the ways through which the securitization of migration replicates the commonsense link among immigration, crime, and national (in)security. This article starts with the complex distinction between migrant detention and incarceration as two different but related state enforcement apparatuses. While detention is a form of “administrative confinement” characterized by a deprivation of liberty for immigration-related civil offenses, incarceration refers to a deprivation of liberty for violations of criminal statutes. Based on detainees’ experiences, this article further examines whether migrant detention should (or not) be conceptualized as punishment, its importation of carceral tactics, and the increasing punitiveness of detention in the 21st century. Global capitalism has made the expansion of migrant detention possible. The privatization of detention has not only brought an extension of institutions, means, agents, and enforcement facilities, but it has also produced enormous profits for corporations, transforming detention into a profitable private business. At the micro level, the privatization also creates a complex geography of detention, a set of politics of carceral time and space, and a tension between mobility and immobility. Overall, the article reviews the most prominent trends in migrant detention in the northwestern hemisphere and in jurisdictions usually neglected by the mainstream literature. The article pays attention to global trends in detention across the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, and northwestern Europe and also reviews understudied regions such as Australia, Indonesia, Greece, Sweden, Malta, and Norway, among others. The explicit effort to expand the mainstream literature’s Euro-American bias is here developed to problematize and expand the naturalized boundaries of immigration enforcement scholarship. At the same time, this bibliography emphasizes the need for developing more intersectional approaches on migrant detention particularly attentive to factors such as race/ethnicity, class, and gender. The authors would like to thank Mary Bosworth, Cesar Hernandez, David Hernandez, Nicholas de Genova, Amanda McDonald, and the reviewer for their insightful feedback on earlier drafts of this article. Any mistakes and shortcomings are our own.

American Serial Rape, 1940–2010

2016 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 446-468 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lauren E. Wright ◽  
Thomas Vander Ven ◽  
Clara Fesmire
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Media Representations ◽  
Steady Increase ◽  
Historical Trends ◽  
Dramatic Decline ◽  
The Social ◽  
Serial Offenders ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
Low Levels ◽  
Serial Rape

Little is known about the social correlates of serial rape or about trends in offending across time and space in the United States. Furthermore, the limited serial rape scholarship that exists was largely generalized from small, captive samples. The current study aims to amplify our understanding of serial rape by pursuing three fundamental objectives. First, guided by theory and research we propose a new, more precise, and comprehensive conceptualization of serial rape. Next, we draw from media representations of serial rape published in five major American newspapers from 1940 to 2010 to develop an offender social profile and to identify patterns in attack style. Our analysis of a broad and diverse sample of serial offenders described in media accounts ( N = 1,037) produced the following profile estimates—age: 27 years; race/ethnicity: African American, 46%; Caucasian, 29%; Latino, 19%; Asian, 5%. Most offenders were employed in unskilled or semiskilled occupations and the most common attack strategy was the surprise approach (47%). Finally, our data allow us to estimate and interpret historical trends as depicted in media accounts. Our analysis revealed low levels of serial rape in newspaper accounts during the 1940s to 1950s, followed by a steady increase (with periodic decreases) leading to a peak in 1991. This peak is followed by a steady and dramatic decline from 1992 to 2010.

Structured Inequality in the United States: Discussions on the Continuing Significance of Race, Ethnicity and Gender

2000 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 266
Author(s):  
Jeralynn Sittig Cossman ◽  
Adalberto Aguirre ◽  
David V. Baker
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Ethnicity And Gender

scholarly journals Leprosy and the Plague: State Surveillance of Low-Income Fathers

2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 124-139
Author(s):  
Monika Jean Ulrich Myers ◽  
Michael Wilson
Keyword(s):  
Social Control ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Child Support ◽  
Justice System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Social Benefits ◽  
Child Support Enforcement ◽  
The Social ◽  
State Surveillance

Foucault’s theory of state social control contrasts societal responses to leprosy, where deviants are exiled from society but promised freedom from social demands, and the plague, where deviants are controlled and surveyed within society but receive some state assistance in exchange for their cooperation.In this paper, I analyze how low-income fathers in the United States simultaneously experience social control consistent with leprosy and social control consistent with the plague but do not receive the social benefits that Foucault associates with either status.Through interviews with 57 low-income fathers, I investigate the role of state surveillance in their family lives through child support enforcement, the criminal justice system, and child protective services.Because they did not receive any benefits from compliance with this surveillance, they resisted it, primarily by dropping “off the radar.”Men justified their resistance in four ways: they had their own material needs, they did not want the child, they did not want to separate from their child’s mother or compliance was unnecessary.This resistance is consistent with Foucault’s distinction between leprosy and the plague.They believed that they did not receive the social benefits accorded to plague victims, so they attempted to be treated like lepers, excluded from social benefits but with no social demands or surveillance.

#MeToo will sustain demands for US corporate diversity

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Gender Diversity ◽  
The United States ◽  
Workplace Culture ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Technology Sector ◽  
Corporate Diversity ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Central Pillar ◽  
Ethnicity And Gender

Significance That turned the eleven-year-old MeToo movement into a central pillar of a broader drive in the United States to address gender, race and social inequality. Since then, the technology sector has become a bit more hospitable to women but still has much to do on employment and workplace culture. Impacts COVID-19 has stalled some of the momentum to #MeToo reforms. The tech sector's persistent poor gender diversity potentially hurts industry competitiveness. Few US states have yet extended sexual harassment protections to cover race, ethnicity and gender identity.

American Labor Unions in the Electoral Arena By Herbert B. Asher, Eric S. Heberlig, Randall B. Ripley, and Karen Snyder. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001. 207p. $69.00 cloth, $19.95 paper.

2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (3) ◽  
pp. 630-630
Author(s):  
Glenn Perusek
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Organized Labor ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Union Movement ◽  
The Social ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Impact ◽  
American Labor

For more than a generation, as the authors rightly point out, the impact of organized labor on electoral politics has been neglected in scholarly literature. Indeed, only a tiny minority of social scientists explicitly focuses on organized labor in the United States. Although the impact of the social movements of the 1960s appeared to heighten awareness of the importance of class, race, and gender, class and its organized expression, the union movement, has received less attention, while studies of race and gender have flourished.

The Social Cost of Atheism: How Perceived Religiosity Influences Moral Appraisal

2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 93-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Wright ◽  
Ryan Nichols
Keyword(s):  
Moral Theory ◽  
Social Cost ◽  
Moral Judgments ◽  
Western World ◽  
Immoral Behavior ◽  
The Social ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Ethnicity And Gender ◽  
Social Stereotype

AbstractSocial psychologists have found that stereotypes correlate with moral judgments about agents and actions. The most commonly studied stereotypes are race/ethnicity and gender. But atheists compose another stereotype, one with its own ignominious history in the Western world, and yet, one about which very little is known. This project endeavored to further our understanding of atheism as a social stereotype. Specifically, we tested whether people with non-religious commitments were stereotypically viewed as less moral than people with religious commitments. We found that participants’ (both Christian and atheist) moral appraisals of atheists were more negative than those of Christians who performed the same moral and immoral actions. They also reported immoral behavior as more (internally and externally) consistent for atheists, and moral behavior more consistent for Christians. The results contribute to research at the intersection of moral theory, moral psychology, and psychology of religion.

Indirect Agents of Empire

2012 ◽  
Vol 83 (3) ◽  
pp. 378-409 ◽  
Author(s):  
Verity G. McInnis
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Critical Dimension ◽  
British India ◽  
The Social ◽  
Army Officers ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Male Authority ◽  
Ethnicity And Gender ◽  
The U.S

The experiences of army officers’ wives stationed in British India and the U.S. West during the period 1830–1875 offer a critical dimension to understandings of imperialism. This comparative analysis argues that these women designed a distinct identity that blueprinted, directed, and legitimized the ambitions of empire. In feminizing the Army’s ranking system, officers’ wives appropriated and wielded male authority. Military homes—a space where class, race, ethnicity, and gender intersected—functioned as operational sites of empire, and, in managing household servants, officers’ wives both designed and endorsed the principles of benevolent imperialism. Whether adjudicating local disputes, emasculating soldier-servants of lower rank, or enacting the social norms of the metropole, these women confidently executed their duty as imperial agents.

Why Buy a Home? Race, Ethnicity, and Homeownership Preferences in the United States

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 452-472 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian J. McCabe
Keyword(s):  
African Americans ◽  
Social Status ◽  
Race And Ethnicity ◽  
The United States ◽  
Housing Quality ◽  
Revealed Preferences ◽  
Structural Barriers ◽  
The Social ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
Nationally Representative

There are many reasons why Americans prefer homeownership to renting. Owning a home can serve as a vehicle for economic mobility or a marker of status attainment. Homeownership may deepen feelings of ontological security and enable families to move into more convenient neighborhoods. While previous research on race, ethnicity, and housing focuses on homeownership attainment, identifying structural barriers to explain persistent racial disparities, there has been little investigation of the reasons why Americans prefer to own their own homes. Drawing on the National Housing Survey, a nationally representative survey of American adults, I ask how these reasons vary by race and ethnicity. I report that African Americans and Latinos are more likely than whites to identify the social status of ownership and the importance of building wealth as reasons to buy a home. While African Americans are also more likely to pursue homeownership as a way to improve their housing quality, they are less likely to view ownership as a tool for accessing more convenient neighborhoods. As a contribution to research on racial stratification in homeownership, my findings push beyond existing studies of revealed preferences to explain why buying a home endures as such an important goal for many Americans. African Americans and Latinos are more deeply invested in the social status of homeownership, the importance of building wealth, and the promise of moving into a nicer home when they pursue ownership opportunities.

scholarly journals THE STATE OF THE NATION: A 50-STATE COVID-19 SURVEY REPORT #5: APPROVAL OF EXECUTIVE PERFORMANCE DURING COVID-19

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Lazer ◽  
Katherine Ognyanova ◽  
Alexi Quintana ◽  
Matthew Baum ◽  
John D. Volpe ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
State Level ◽  
Initial Response ◽  
The United States ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
The Public ◽  
Gender And Education ◽  
Survey Report ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
And Gender

The initial response to a crisis typically depends on the executive branch of government, because they may act more rapidly than legislative and judicial branches. For COVID-19 in particular, the focal decision-makers have been the president and the governors of the 50 states. In the eyes of the public, how have the president and governors responded?We surveyed 22,501 individuals across all 50 states plus the District of Columbia. The survey was conducted on 12-28 June 2020 by PureSpectrum via an online, nonprobability sample, with state-level representative quotas for race/ethnicity, age, and gender (for methodological details on the other waves, see covidstates.org). In addition to balancing on these dimensions, we reweighted our data using demographic characteristics to match the U.S. population with respect to race/ethnicity, age, gender, and education. This was the fifth in a series of surveys we have been conducting since April 2020, examining attitudes and behaviors regarding COVID-19 in the United States.

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