scholarly journals THE STATE OF THE NATION: A 50-STATE COVID-19 SURVEY REPORT #5: APPROVAL OF EXECUTIVE PERFORMANCE DURING COVID-19

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Lazer ◽  
Katherine Ognyanova ◽  
Alexi Quintana ◽  
Matthew Baum ◽  
John D. Volpe ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
State Level ◽  
Initial Response ◽  
The United States ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
The Public ◽  
Gender And Education ◽  
Survey Report ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
And Gender

The initial response to a crisis typically depends on the executive branch of government, because they may act more rapidly than legislative and judicial branches. For COVID-19 in particular, the focal decision-makers have been the president and the governors of the 50 states. In the eyes of the public, how have the president and governors responded?We surveyed 22,501 individuals across all 50 states plus the District of Columbia. The survey was conducted on 12-28 June 2020 by PureSpectrum via an online, nonprobability sample, with state-level representative quotas for race/ethnicity, age, and gender (for methodological details on the other waves, see covidstates.org). In addition to balancing on these dimensions, we reweighted our data using demographic characteristics to match the U.S. population with respect to race/ethnicity, age, gender, and education. This was the fifth in a series of surveys we have been conducting since April 2020, examining attitudes and behaviors regarding COVID-19 in the United States.

scholarly journals THE STATE OF THE NATION: A 50-STATE COVID-19 SURVEY REPORT #7: UPDATE ON VOTE BY MAIL

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Lazer ◽  
Katherine Ognyanova ◽  
Matthew Baum ◽  
Alexi Quintana ◽  
John D. Volpe ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Rural Areas ◽  
State Level ◽  
Survey Report ◽  
Gender Education ◽  
Universal Extension ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
Nonprobability Sample ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The Right ◽  
Vote By Mail

We surveyed 19,052 individuals across all 50 states plus the District of Columbia. The survey was conducted on 10-26 July 2020 by PureSpectrum via an online, nonprobability sample, with state-level representative quotas for race/ethnicity, age, and gender (for methodological details on the other waves, see covidstates.org). In addition to balancing on these dimensions, we reweighted our data using demographic characteristics to match the U.S. population with respect to race/ethnicity, age, gender, education, and living in urban, suburban, or rural areas. This was the seventh in a series of surveys we have been conducting since April 2020, examining attitudes and behaviors regarding COVID-19 in the United States.Overall, support for voting by mail is quite high, with 64% of likely voters in our survey1 supporting making it easier to vote by mail, and only 23% opposing.Similarly, more Americans who say they plan to vote in 2020 support than oppose universal extension of vote by mail. A total of 66% of likely voters report that they would support giving every American the right to vote by mail in November, with 22% opposing.

State-Level Sexism and Women’s Health Care Access in the United States: Differences by Race/Ethnicity, 2014–2019

2021 ◽  
pp. e1-e10
Author(s):  
Kristen Schorpp Rapp ◽  
Vanessa V. Volpe ◽  
Hannah Neukrug
Keyword(s):  
Health Care ◽  
Health Care Access ◽  
Hispanic Women ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Barriers To Health Care ◽  
Care Access ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Barriers To Health

Objectives. To quantify racial/ethnic differences in the relationship between state-level sexism and barriers to health care access among non-Hispanic White, non-Hispanic Black, and Hispanic women in the United States. Methods. We merged a multidimensional state-level sexism index compiled from administrative data with the national Consumer Survey of Health Care Access (2014–2019; n = 10 898) to test associations between exposure to state-level sexism and barriers to access, availability, and affordability of health care. Results. Greater exposure to state-level sexism was associated with more barriers to health care access among non-Hispanic Black and Hispanic women, but not non-Hispanic White women. Affordability barriers (cost of medical bills, health insurance, prescriptions, and tests) appeared to drive these associations. More frequent need for care exacerbated the relationship between state-level sexism and barriers to care for Hispanic women. Conclusions. The relationship between state-level sexism and women’s barriers to health care access differs by race/ethnicity and frequency of needing care. Public Health Implications. State-level policies may be used strategically to promote health care equity at the intersection of gender and race/ethnicity. (Am J Public Health. Published online ahead of print September 2, 2021: e1–e10. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2021.306455 )

Structured Inequality in the United States: Discussions on the Continuing Significance of Race, Ethnicity and Gender

2000 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 266
Author(s):  
Jeralynn Sittig Cossman ◽  
Adalberto Aguirre ◽  
David V. Baker
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Ethnicity And Gender

#MeToo will sustain demands for US corporate diversity

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Gender Diversity ◽  
The United States ◽  
Workplace Culture ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Technology Sector ◽  
Corporate Diversity ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Central Pillar ◽  
Ethnicity And Gender

Significance That turned the eleven-year-old MeToo movement into a central pillar of a broader drive in the United States to address gender, race and social inequality. Since then, the technology sector has become a bit more hospitable to women but still has much to do on employment and workplace culture. Impacts COVID-19 has stalled some of the momentum to #MeToo reforms. The tech sector's persistent poor gender diversity potentially hurts industry competitiveness. Few US states have yet extended sexual harassment protections to cover race, ethnicity and gender identity.

Migrant Detention and Incarceration

Criminology ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Enrique Alvear ◽  
Patrisia Macías-Rojas
Keyword(s):  
Justice System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Global Capitalism ◽  
Immigration Enforcement ◽  
Private Business ◽  
Global Trends ◽  
The Social ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
And Gender

Over the last 30 years, the detention of irregular immigrants, undocumented workers, and the incarceration of immigration “offenders” has been on the rise. After 9/11, the social construction of immigrants as a source of “danger” reached a new scale, and the mechanisms through which immigration enforcement reproduces the criminal justice system became even more sophisticated. This article discusses the expansion of migrant detention in the overall “punitive turn” of immigration enforcement, the frequent tension between the state’s practices of power and detainees’ human rights, and the ways through which the securitization of migration replicates the commonsense link among immigration, crime, and national (in)security. This article starts with the complex distinction between migrant detention and incarceration as two different but related state enforcement apparatuses. While detention is a form of “administrative confinement” characterized by a deprivation of liberty for immigration-related civil offenses, incarceration refers to a deprivation of liberty for violations of criminal statutes. Based on detainees’ experiences, this article further examines whether migrant detention should (or not) be conceptualized as punishment, its importation of carceral tactics, and the increasing punitiveness of detention in the 21st century. Global capitalism has made the expansion of migrant detention possible. The privatization of detention has not only brought an extension of institutions, means, agents, and enforcement facilities, but it has also produced enormous profits for corporations, transforming detention into a profitable private business. At the micro level, the privatization also creates a complex geography of detention, a set of politics of carceral time and space, and a tension between mobility and immobility. Overall, the article reviews the most prominent trends in migrant detention in the northwestern hemisphere and in jurisdictions usually neglected by the mainstream literature. The article pays attention to global trends in detention across the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, and northwestern Europe and also reviews understudied regions such as Australia, Indonesia, Greece, Sweden, Malta, and Norway, among others. The explicit effort to expand the mainstream literature’s Euro-American bias is here developed to problematize and expand the naturalized boundaries of immigration enforcement scholarship. At the same time, this bibliography emphasizes the need for developing more intersectional approaches on migrant detention particularly attentive to factors such as race/ethnicity, class, and gender. The authors would like to thank Mary Bosworth, Cesar Hernandez, David Hernandez, Nicholas de Genova, Amanda McDonald, and the reviewer for their insightful feedback on earlier drafts of this article. Any mistakes and shortcomings are our own.

Transgender and Nonbinary Gender Policy in the Public Sector

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole M. Elias
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Physical And Mental Health ◽  
Public Agencies ◽  
Transgender People ◽  
The Public ◽  
Gender Policy ◽  
The Past ◽  
Government Documents ◽  
Nonbinary Gender ◽  
And Gender

Our understanding and treatment of gender in the United States has evolved significantly over the past four decades. Transgender individuals in the current U.S. context enjoy more rights and protections than they have in the past; yet, room for progress remains. Moving beyond the traditional male–female binary, an unprecedented number of people now identify as transgender and nonbinary. Transgender identities are at the forefront of gender policy, prompting responses from public agencies at the local, state, and federal levels. Because transgender individuals face increased rates of discrimination, violence, and physical and mental health challenges, compared to their cisgender counterparts, new gender policy often affords legal protections as well as identity-affirming practices such as legal name and gender marker changes on government documents. These rights come from legal decisions, legislation, and administrative agency policies. Despite these victories, recent government action targeting the transgender population threatens the progress that has been made. This underscores the importance of comprehensive policies and education about transgender identities to protect the rights of transgender people.

Cute babies: How imagery and representation shape our collective beliefs

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-148
Author(s):  
Chris Kienke
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Media ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Public ◽  
Film And Television ◽  
American Values ◽  
Collective Beliefs ◽  
And Gender

Images about race, class and gender deeply affect our beliefs about what American values are and who gets to share and who does not get to share in those values. The continuing discussions about these issues filtered through social media, film and television in the United States is a dialogue that demands visual rendering. Realizing the depth of this conditioning is the first step. Critical next steps are examining which images are made available to the public and how to work with students who are developing their own voice.

The Emergence of COVID-19 in the US: A Public Health and Political Communication Crisis

2020 ◽  
Vol 45 (6) ◽  
pp. 967-981 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah E. Gollust ◽  
Rebekah H. Nagler ◽  
Erika Franklin Fowler
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Initial Response ◽  
The United States ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Attitudes And Beliefs ◽  
Health Issues ◽  
Health Crisis ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Us

Abstract The coronavirus public health crisis is also a political-communication and health-communication crisis. In this article, the authors describe the key communication-related phenomena and evidence of concerning effects manifested in the United States during the initial response to the pandemic. The authors outline the conditions of communication about coronavirus that contribute to deleterious outcomes, including partisan cueing, conflicting science, downplayed threats, emotional arousal, fragmented media, and Trump's messaging. The authors suggest these have contributed to divergent responses by media sources, partisan leaders, and the public alike, leading to different attitudes and beliefs as well as varying protective actions taken by members of the public to reduce their risk. In turn, these divergent communication phenomena will likely amplify geographic variation in and inequities with COVID-19 disease outcomes. The authors conclude with some suggestions for future research, particularly surrounding communication about health inequity and strategies for reducing partisan divergence in views of public health issues in the future.

Birth Control and Socialism: The Frustration of Margaret Sanger and Ishimoto Shizue's Mission

2010 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-280 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aiko Takeuchi-Demirci
Keyword(s):  
Birth Control ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Public ◽  
Western Model ◽  
Gender Biases ◽  
Birth Control Movement ◽  
Margaret Sanger ◽  
Original Goal ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The Moment

AbstractThis article explores the ties between the early birth control movements in the United States and Japan, both of which emerged from a transnational socialist network after the Russian Revolution of 1917. By closely examining the activism of two symbolic figures in the movements, Margaret Sanger (1879-1966) and Ishimoto Shizue (1897-2001), their roles abroad, and the public responses in both nations, the article studies the possibilities and limits of the transnational birth control movement in the 1920s and 1930s. It argues that, while the socialist network helped expand their original goal of relieving working women across the world from the dual burden of reproductive and wage labor, the moment they crossed national borders, they simultaneously became bound by nationalist frameworks and gender biases. Their liberal and reformist, rather than revolutionary, approaches to birth control based on the Western model of progress and the eugenic concept of racial survival ultimately blunted the dream of universal sisterhood and female liberation.

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