scholarly journals Extension of Voting Rights to Emigrants

Emigrant voting rights can be broadly defined as the right to vote in elections granted to citizens who reside outside their country of citizenship. States offer different ways for emigrants to cast their vote, such as voting via post, in person in diplomatic missions, or upon physical return to the country. That said, research on emigrant enfranchisement has mainly focused on the voting practices that allow citizens to cast their ballot from abroad. Voting from abroad is not a new phenomenon. Several countries had already granted external voting rights by the beginning of the 20th century. However, these countries tended to restrict such voting rights to temporarily absent citizens with specific professions, such as diplomatic staff, soldiers, or seafarers. Only after the 1950s, states began to develop a more inclusive approach toward granting electoral rights to their nonresident citizens. Currently, more than two-thirds of all countries in the world allow voting from abroad. The majority of these countries have adopted external voting only during the last thirty years. Since the early/mid-2000s, the issue of external voting has attracted more intense scholarly attention. From a theoretical perspective, external voting rights challenge the traditional link between citizenship and territoriality and raise questions about how the relationship between states and nonresident citizens changes in times of mass migration and globalization. Today, the research on emigrant voting rights is a research field in its own right and informs related lines of scholarly inquiry on sending state policies, the political behavior of mobile citizens, the impact of the extraterritorial vote on domestic politics, and the cross-border outreach of political parties. In this article, the main contributions to the field of emigrant enfranchisement are divided into four main sections based on the chief four waves of research. It begins with the normative debate, followed by studies of why states grant emigrant voting rights. Third, studies on the creation of special emigrant representation systems are presented. Finally, works that move beyond the state as the main unit of analysis are reviewed by unpacking the role political parties play in the enfranchisement process. Overall, studies have drawn most prominently on the concepts of citizenship and transnationalism for theory building and their research designs. The rapidly growing literature on the consequences of emigrant enfranchisement, notably emigrant electoral participation and its impact on homeland politics, has not been included here.

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 377-394 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eva Østergaard-Nielsen ◽  
Irina Ciornei ◽  
Jean-Michel Lafleur

AbstractPolicies allowing enfranchisement of non-resident citizens (emigrants and their descendants) are now implemented in the majority of states worldwide. A growing number of case studies show that the extension of voting rights to non-resident citizens is often contested among country of origin political parties. However, there is no systematic comparative study of why different political parties support or oppose external voting rights and how this position is framed by the parties. Drawing on a unique data set based on 34 debates across 13 countries, we estimate the extent to which ideology and party family are correlated with the positioning and framing of parties. Among the findings are that the more to the right is a party, the more it tends to support external voting rights, except in the case of radical right parties. The position on emigrant voting rights is largely framed along more pragmatic arguments.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-103
Author(s):  
Ágnes Vass

AbstractPolicy towards Hungarians living in neighbouring countries has been a central issue for Hungarian governments, yet Hungarian diaspora living mainly in Western Europe and North America have received very little attention. This has changed after the 2010 landslide victory of Fidesz. The new government introduced a structured policy focused on engaging Hungarian diaspora, largely due to the nationalist rhetoric of the governing party. The article argues that this change reflects a turn of Hungarian nationalism into what Ragazzi and Balalowska (2011) have called post-territorial nationalism, where national belonging becomes disconnected from territory. It is because of this new conception of Hungarian nationalism that we witness the Hungarian government approach Hungarian communities living in other countries in new ways while using new policy tools: the offer of extraterritorial citizenship; political campaigns to motivate the diaspora to take part in Hungarian domestic politics by voting in legislative elections; or the never-before-seen high state budget allocated to support these communities. Our analysis is based on qualitative data gathered in 2016 from focus group discussions conducted in the Hungarian community of Western Canada to understand the effects of this diaspora politics from a bottom-up perspective. Using the theoretical framework of extraterritorial citizenship, external voting rights and diaspora engagement programmes, the paper gives a brief overview of the development of the Hungarian diaspora policy. We focus on how post-territorial nationalism of the Hungarian government after 2010 effects the ties of Hungarian communities in Canada with Hungary, how the members of these communities conceptualise the meaning of their “new” Hungarian citizenship, voting rights and other diaspora programmes. We argue that external citizenship and voting rights play a crucial role in the Orbán government’s attempt to govern Hungarian diaspora communities through diaspora policy.


1994 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 565-575
Author(s):  
Howard A. Scarrow

The weakening of American political parties has been a theme featured in the writings of political scientists for the past several decades. This essay is addressed to developments which may further that decline-developments which have undermined the very purpose which American political parties are said to serve. I refer to legal standards which were established by the Supreme Court in 1964, and which have since been expanded by the Court and then incorporated into the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and its amendment in 1982.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 20
Author(s):  
Muh.Ulil S. Negara

Abstract— The background of this research is the increase of the distribution of fake news in cyberspace to coincide with the 2019 general election (Pemilu) campaign in Indonesia. Undergraduate students in Indonesia, most of whom are beginner voters in the 2019 election, are one of the most important campaign targets calculated by each political party. Fake news produced massively and structurally by political parties to get support from voters can break the unity and the harmony of the nation. Students as young people whose mindsets are critical and have idealism in fighting for their ideas must be able to distinguish between true and fake news for the safety of their own insights. The research method used is a quantitative method to understand the behavior of students in using mobile phones which is the fastest media for disseminating information through the internet. Understanding these behaviors will provide an overview of the impact of the application or information channel most often opened by someone to their ability to distinguish true and fake news. This study aims to get a strategy that needs to be done to improve student behavior in using mobile phones, which will affect the quality of information obtained from the internet via mobile phones. So that young person who are productive and have the right insight are not easily provoked by fake news from the internet


Author(s):  
Donald S. Inbody

The advent of absentee voting for American citizens began with the desire on the part of soldiers to participate in the electoral process. It was aided by politicians who wanted the support of those soldiers. The rise of absentee voting was later extended to nonmilitary Americans living overseas or otherwise away from their home precincts. Resistance to absentee voting was strong at first, largely on philosophical grounds (i.e., the question of why someone away from home would be interested in voting, or absentee voting inviting vote fraud). It was also resisted by political parties who were convinced that those voters may vote for the opposition candidate. Gradually, in the post-World War II years, nearly all resistance faded but never disappeared. Vestigial perceptions of the voting habits of military personnel remained as late as the first years of the 21st century. Congress was convinced to pass several voting rights laws that eventually extended the right to vote to all Americans serving in the military or living overseas, although some barriers remain to be overcome.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-38
Author(s):  
Sutrisno Sutrisno ◽  
Dwi Haryadi ◽  
Jean Darc Noviayanti Manik

The application of additional punishment of the revocation of political rights in the form of voting and/or voting rights elected in the elections to the corruption convicts was as an attempt to eradicate the extraordinary Corruption of crime and part of severe punishment and a charge of corruption convicts. The purpose of this research, namely: first, to know and analyze the implementation requirements of additional punishment of revocation of political rights to corruption prisoners in the perspective of human rights; Second, to know and analyze the position of additional penalty for the revocation of political rights in the purpose of punishment in Indonesia. The type of research used is normative juridical research with a legal approach, conceptual approach, a case approach approach, and a comparative approach. The results of the study proved that: first, political rights can be classified in the right to freedom of thought and a conscience that is unable to be reduced under any circumstance and attached to the status of citizens. The application of the additional penalty was the act of degrading and dignity of corruption prisoners as citizens because of the impact on the elimination of Rights and the disclosure of political rights of corruption prisoners until its application does not meet the requirements of the restriction on human rights in the perspective of the relative-particulate matter; Secondly, the theory of the goal of punishment in accordance with Indonesian philosophy is correctional which is also a rationality of the implementation of prison sentence as does Law No. 12 of 1995 about Correctional. The position of additional penalty for revocation of political rights is as an instrument of conforming or contrary to the purpose of punishment in Indonesia, namely correctional throughout its application to open an opportunity for the elimination of rights and not accompanied by an attempt to recover the rights that have been revoked


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
ABBA ELGUJJA

Diaspora overseas or external voting (hereinafter referred to as diaspora voting), which hinges on the citizen’s universal right to vote, has become popular among modern democracies all over the world. Over a hundred nations have so far adopted overseas or (hereinafter referred to as diaspora voting) with varying scope and/or restriction, if any. Among these countries are nearly thirty African countries that also include all of Nigeria’s immediate neighbours except Cameroun.Currently, the Nigerian laws, including the 1999 Constitution (as amended) and the Electoral Act (2010), do not provide for the right of Nigerians overseas to participate in elections unless they personally present themselves for registration and voting at designated centres in Nigeria.Since Nigeria’s return to democratic government in 1999, there have been persistent calls among Nigerians in the diaspora for law reforms to enable them to exercise their universal right to vote during elections. Since then, various administrations of the Nigerian government have, accordingly, yielded to those calls by setting up an independent dedicated body (Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NiDCOM)) that is saddled with the responsibility of engaging and mobilising Nigerians in the diaspora as equal partners in national development.Political pundits continue to debate on and attempt to strike a balance between, its desirability and the potential logistical and operational challenges that may result therefrom. However, the overwhelming argument is that, in view of their contribution to Nigerian national development, and the contemporary international trend in the globalised modern democracies, Nigerians in diaspora, as equal citizens, should be allowed to exercise their right to vote just like their peers in similar climes.This article reviewed and found that there are some legal hurdles that have to be tackled along the way, and proffers some constitutional amendments and other legal reforms that are necessary for bringing this lofty concept into fruition.


2017 ◽  
Vol II (I) ◽  
pp. 31-44
Author(s):  
Ali Jibran ◽  
Syed Ali Shah ◽  
Muhammad Bilal

The states have to adjust to the pressure exerted by the 'international'; yet impact of the 'international' on national politics has been ignored by mainstream international relations theories. This study uses a framework of "Uneven and Combined Development" to investigate the impact of Pakistan's inclusion in the United States led defense pacts on Pakistan military's role in domestic politics from 1954 to 1958. The central finding of this research is that the United States preferred Pakistan military over political leadership in Pakistan to checkmate communism in Asia as well as to stop communist political parties gaining power in Pakistan. By participating in these international pacts, the role of Pakistan military expanded in politics which culminated in the first martial law (1958).


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Niendorf

AbstractThis article examines the impact of reforms on the outcome of Labour party leadership contests since the premiership of Tony Blair. From a theoretical perspective, these reforms are characterised by a tension between a general trend towards increasing “democratisation” of political parties and the power interests of intra-party actors. While there have been significant changes to both the nomination stage and the final ballot, the impact of these changes has to be strongly qualified. Instead of a major “democratisation” through targeted and deliberate reform measures, simple shifts in the power structure between strategic actors are more prominent among reform effects. Meanwhile, the trend towards “democratisation” in relation to the final ballot stage was largely driven by the massive membership surge since 2015, as well as low-key reform measures unconnected to handing ordinary party members more influence over the election process.


2013 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 279-291 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eglė Navickienė

The article deals with doctoral dissertations prepared and defended at the Faculty of Architecture at current Vilnius Gediminas Technical University in spite of changes of its institutional subordination. It deepens into fields of scientific research investigated during doctoral studies that are considered an important part of research in architecture. The tendencies of evolution of doctorate at the Faculty of Architecture of VGTU are contextualised in architectural research and doctoral studies in architectural research and education institutions both in Lithuania and abroad. During the Soviet times, Lithuanian architects had a possibility to prepare and defend dissertations for a scientific degree of candidate of architectural sciences either at the Faculty of Architecture at Kaunas Polytechnic Institute (afterwards – at Vilnius Engineering Building Institute) or at institutions of architectural research and education in the Soviet Union, outside Lithuania, depending if Lithuanian institutions had the right to educate the aspirants for scientific degree and the right to defend their dissertations. It mostly influenced the dynamics of scientific degrees obtained (see Fig. 1). Architecture was defined as an autonomous research field under the Soviet classification and it helped to shape the identity of the discipline: its width, specific methods and questions. Architectural dissertations of Soviet times were rigorously specialised and empiric, closely connected with practice, deepening into urban issues more than architectural ones (see Fig. 2). Since 1998, architecture loses its integrity and becomes a subfield of Art Critics in Humanities. Since then doctoral dissertations defended at the Faculty of Architecture of VGTU investigate architectural history, theory and critics according traditional methodologies of humanities including interdisciplinary contexts; fundamental academic research dominates. Recent international dynamic changes in both doctoral studies and architectural research directs for the impact of research beyond academia generating more efficient contribution to architectural research and innovation related to ideas, forms, techniques, materials and practices based upon technological advances for the so-called society of knowledge; one of the means is creating various forms of doctorates. Nevertheless, the present situation of doctorate at the Faculty of Architecture of VGTU is not supportive for tuning to new tendencies – revision of national classification of research towards integrity of architecture field, and also introduction of a program of research by design, priorities for innovative, practice-embedded, interdisciplinary, future-oriented research in doctorate at the school might create much more positive medium for the progress. Santrauka Straipsnyje nagrinėjama doktorantūros (aspirantūros) Vilniaus Gedimino technikos universiteto Architektūros fakultete, nepaisant jo kitusios institucinės priklausomybės, raida. Pagrindinis dėmesys skiriamas apgintų disertacijų mokslinių tyrimų kryptims ir pobūdžiui kaip sudėtinei architektūros mokslo daliai, jų raidą ir kaitos tendencijas siejant su procesais kitose šalyse. Apžvelgiamos šiame amžiuje vykstančios aktualios dinamiškos permainos doktorantūros studijų sampratoje ir architektūros mokslo raidoje kaip architektūros doktorantūros studijų kaitą formuojančiuose veiksniuose. Naujų požiūrių kontekste įvertinamos doktorantūros studijų VGTU Architektūros fakultete pokyčių galimybės.


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