Latina/o Americans in Film and Television

Author(s):  
Mary Beltrán

Latino Americans, also termed Hispanics, as individuals with ancestry in the US Southwest, Mexico, Puerto Rico, or Latin American countries, are widely diverse, even while their cinematic and televisual representations have often flattened differences in their construction of an imagined, universal Latin-ness, or Latinidad. This representational history has its roots in social history and particularly the historical oppression of Mexican Americans. Mexican Americans also historically have been the largest US Latino group. In 2011, they made up 64.6 percent of all Latino Americans, followed by Puerto Ricans (9.5 percent), Salvadorans (3.8 percent), Cuban Americans (3.5 percent), and smaller but increasing numbers of Latinos of Central and South American descent. Given their varied histories, Latino Americans differ widely with respect to such factors as class, immigrant generation, and media habits. Spanish-language usage is a commonality among many but not all Latino Americans. Younger Latino Americans are also increasingly acculturated, demonstrating hybrid media consumption of both English- and Spanish-language popular culture forms. Latino representation in US film and television is increasingly important to scholarship on American media, as the Latino population has grown exponentially in the last century and is expected to continue to increase. Latinos became the largest nonwhite group in the United States in 2000 and now make up more than 17 percent of the population and 20 percent of youth under the age of eighteen, according to the US Census Bureau. Scholarship on Latino representation in US film and English-language entertainment television, however, is still relatively new. Academic books on the topic began to be published in the early 1980s; pioneering scholars included Arthur Pettit (Image of the Mexican American in Fiction and Film, 1980), Frank Javier Garcia Berumen (The Chicano/Hispanic Image in American Film, 1995), Charles Ramírez Berg (whose work was later collected in Latino Images in Film: Stereotypes, Subversion and Resistance, 2002), Chon Noriega (editor of Chicanos and Film: Representation and Resistance, 1992), Rosa Linda Fregoso (The Bronze Screen: Chicana and Chicano Film Culture, 1993), and Clara Rodríguez (editor of Latin Looks: Images of Latinas and Latinos in the US Media, 1997). Some of the work of these scholars necessarily involved establishing the legitimacy of studying Latinos and film and television representation, as Angharad Valdivia (see Valdivia 2008, cited under Anthologies) and Ramírez Berg (see Berg 2002, cited under Introductory Works) have noted. The next generations of scholars have benefited from these inroads in Latino studies and media studies and the growth and acceptance of cultural studies traditions. Scholars in recent decades have explored Latino American media representation and stardom in US film and television from a variety of disciplinary and methodological approaches. This article reviews the most useful scholarship on Latinos and US film and television, with special attention to the salient themes and notable scholars in the field.

2018 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guilherme Casarões

The institutional framework of Latin American integration saw a period of intense transformation in the 2000s, with the death of the ambitious project of the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), spearheaded by the United States, and the birth of two new institutions, the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC). This article offers a historical reconstruction of regional integration structures in the 2000s, with emphasis on the fault lines between Brazil, Venezuela and the US, and how they have shaped the institutional order across the hemisphere. We argue that the shaping of UNASUR and CELAC, launched respectively in 2007 and 2010, is the outcome of three complex processes: (1) Brazil’s struggle to strengthen Mercosur by acting more decisively as a regional paymaster; (2) Washington’s selective engagement with some key regional players, notably Colombia, and (3) Venezuela’s construction of an alternative integration model through the Bolivarian Alliance (ALBA) and oil diplomacy. If UNASUR corresponded to Brazil’s strategy to neutralize the growing role of Caracas in South America and to break apart the emerging alliance between Venezuela, Argentina, and Bolivia, CELAC was at the same time a means to keep the US away from regional decisions, and to weaken the Caracas-Havana axis that sustained ALBA.


2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriela Bittencourt Gonzalez Mosegui ◽  
Fernando Antõnanzas ◽  
Cid Manso de Mello Vianna ◽  
Paula Rojas

Abstract Background The objective of this paper is to analyze the prices of biological drugs in the treatment of Rheumatoid Arthritis (RA) in three Latin American countries (Brazil, Colombia and Mexico), as well as in Spain and the United States of America (US), from the point of market entry of biosimilars. Methods We analyzed products authorized for commercialization in the last 20 years, in Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico, comparing them to the United States of America (USA) and Spain. For this analysis, we sought the prices and registries of drugs marketed between 1999 and October 1, 2019, in the regulatory agencies’ databases. The pricing between countries was based on purchasing power parity (PPP). Results The US authorized the commercialization of 13 distinct biologicals and four biosimilars in the period. Spain and Brazil marketed 14 biopharmaceuticals for RA, ten original, four biosimilars. Colombia and Mexico have authorized three biosimilars in addition to the ten biological ones. For biological drug prices, the US is the most expensive country. Spain’s price behavior seems intermediate when compared to the three LA countries. Brazil has the highest LA prices, followed by Mexico and Colombia, which has the lowest prices. Spain has the lowest values in PPP, compared to LA countries, while the US has the highest prices. Conclusion The economic effort that LA countries make to access these medicines is much higher than the US and Spain. The use of the PPP ensured a better understanding of the actual access to these inputs in the countries analyzed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-209 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zachary W. Taylor

This study examines first-year undergraduate admissions materials from 325 bachelor-degree granting U.S. institutions, closely analyzing the English-language readability and Spanish-language readability and translation of these materials. Via Yosso’s linguistic capital, the results reveal 4.9% of first-year undergraduate admissions materials had been translated into Spanish, 4% of institutional admissions websites embed translation widgets, and the average readability of English-language content is above the 13th-grade reading level. Implications for research and practice are discussed.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meenakshi Bhilwar ◽  
Suzanne A Boren ◽  
Kunal Bhatia

BACKGROUND Physician rating websites are gaining popularity, however, data on their usability and influence on healthcare quality is limited. OBJECTIVE to provide an overview of physician rating websites in the US and find answers for the following questions: 1. What are the most commonly studied/rated physician rating websites in the US? 2. Which specialty of physicians/providers are most commonly studied/rated? 3. How many physicians were rated on the studied PRWs? 4. What is the average number of ratings on these websites and are they positive or negative? 5. How does the profile of providers influence their rating? 6. How are PRWs associated with healthcare quality? 7. How PRWs are associated with patient-physician relationship? METHODS A systematic literature search was conducted through Medline for peer-reviewed articles in the English language on studies conducted in the US. RESULTS 33 articles published in peer-reviewed journals were included in the final review. Most of the studies were conducted on surgeons. A significant number of studies observed no correlation of online ratings with gender, geographic location, and years of experience. Additionally, no significant correlation was found between PRWs and healthcare quality. CONCLUSIONS It has been observed that with the current structure of these websites, the reliability of information available on them is rather questionable, and hence more research is required to assess the credibility of these websites along with their cost-effectiveness, effect on the patient-physician relationship, and quality of healthcare delivery.


Amicus Curiae ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 188-215
Author(s):  
Richard K Wagner

The volume of disputes heard by United States (US) courts containing a China element continues to be robust even against a backdrop of political rhetoric concerning an economic ‘de-coupling’ of the US and China. These cross-border disputes often involve Chinese parties and special issues, some of which concern Chinese business culture, but many of which involve interpreting questions of Chinese law. How is proving Chinese law accomplished in these cases and how have US courts performed in interpreting Chinese law? This article first discusses the approach to proving Chinese law in US courts. While expert testimony is often submitted and can be valuable to a US court, the applicable US rule offers no standards by which these opinions are to be judged. And, in the China context, without specific guidance, it can be challenging for a judge, unaccustomed with China or the Chinese legal system to determine which version of the law to believe. Moreover, under the applicable rule, the US court can simply ignore competing Chinese law opinions and conduct its own Chinese law legal research, presumably using English language sources. This can lead to interesting interpretations of Chinese law to say the least. The article anchors its discussion in an examination of those recent cases which have interpreted Article 277 of the Civil Procedure Law of the People’s Republic of China. This is the legal provision of Chinese law that can be implicated in certain situations involving cross-border discovery, and there are now numerous Article 277 cases among the reported US decisions. The article analyses Article 277 by placing it within the larger context of Chinese civil procedure and argues that the language used in the provision has a special meaning within Chinese evidence law that has been obscured in those US case decisions interpreting it, leading to erroneous results. The article concludes by offering judges and practitioners some suggestions for interpreting Chinese law in future US cases. Keywords: Chinese law; US courts; Article 277; deposition; cross-border discovery; Hague Evidence Convention; Chinese civil procedure.


Litera ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 18-28
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Petrovich Evlasev ◽  
Larisa Alekseevna Sychugova

This article is dedicated to examination of the questions of functionality of evaluative lexis in political discourse of the United States. The relevance of the topic is substantiated by the heightened interests of research towards the peculiarities of expressing evaluative meanings in various types of discourse. In modern linguistics, the analysis of functionality of evaluative lexis in the political discourse is of unequivocal interest, since axiological interpretation significantly affects the life of modern society. Research methodology is comprised of the work of such Russian linguists as I. S. Alekseeva, A. A. Ufimtseva, T. A. Znamenskaya, N. D. Arutyunova, and others. Special attention is given to the method of realization of negative evaluations. The goal of this  article consists in the methods of expression of evaluative meanings s using stylistic means, as the language is an effective weapon in the world of politics. The political texts of US mass media served as the material for this research due to the fact that mass media influence the formation of public opinion, the course of political discussions and referendums, rating of political and public figures, political parties, and public organizations. The conducted analysis demonstrates that the US political discourse includes different lexical and stylistic means applied for exertion of ideological influence, as well as formation of certain attitudes on certain realities of political life among the recipients.


Author(s):  
Rosina Lozano

This epilogue briefly identifies some of the major changes in Spanish language politics since World War II. These include community shifts in activism. For example, the Chicano Movementreclaimed the language and advocated for culturally affirming bilingual education programs. The epilogue also turns to federal support for Spanish instruction with the 1968 Bilingual Education Act and with the 1975 extension to the Voting Rights Act that provides federal protection for ballots in languages other than English. Spanish is no longer a language of just the Southwest and there are major populations of Spanish speakers in cities like Chicago, New York, and Miami today. In 2013, tens of millions of U.S. residents spoke Spanish in their homes. Spanish language perseverance in the United States is due to a long history of Latin American migration to the country. It began as a language of settlement and power in the nineteenth century and has transformed into a language often deemed as foreign or un-American. Spanish is an American language historically and this book has recovered that history.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kim Pulvers ◽  
A. Paula Cupertino ◽  
Taneisha S. Scheuermann ◽  
Lisa Sanderson Cox ◽  
Yen-Yi Ho ◽  
...  

<p><strong>Background: </strong>Higher smoking prevalence and quantity (cigarettes per day) has been linked to acculturation in the United States among Latinas, but not Latino men. Our study examines variation between a dif­ferent and increasingly important target behavior, smoking level (nondaily vs daily) and acculturation by sex.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>An online English-language sur­vey was administered to 786 Latino smokers during July through August 2012. The Brief Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican Americans–II (ARSMA-II) and other accul­turation markers were used. Multinomial lo­gistic regression models were implemented to assess the association between smoking levels (nondaily, light daily, and moderate/ heavy daily) with acculturation markers.</p><p><strong>Results: </strong>Greater ARMSA-II scores (rela­tive risk ratio, <em>RRR</em>=.81, 95% CI: .72-.91) and being born inside the United States (<em>RRR</em>=.42, 95% CI: .24-.74) were associated with lower relative risk of nondaily smoking. Greater Latino orientation (<em>RRR</em>=1.29, 95% CI: 1.11-1.48) and preference for Spanish language (<em>RRR</em>=1.06, 95% CI: 1.02-1.10) and media (<em>RRR</em>=1.12, 95% CI: 1.05-1.20) were associated with higher relative risk of nondaily smoking. The relationship between acculturation and smoking level did not differ by sex.</p><p><strong>Conclusion: </strong>This study found that among both male and female, English-speaking Latino smokers, nondaily smoking was associated with lower acculturation, while daily smoking was linked with higher ac­culturation.</p><p><em>Ethn Dis. </em>2018.28(2):105-114; doi:10.18865/ed.28.2.105.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (8) ◽  
pp. 937-954
Author(s):  
Andrea Figueroa-Caballero ◽  
Dana Mastro

Content analyses of U.S. English-language news coverage of immigration indicate that these stories are laden with negative, threatening messages and have an almost exclusive focus on Latino immigrants. However, little is known regarding how non-immigrant Latinos process and interpret these messages. The current survey of adult non-immigrant Latinos living in the United States addresses this question by applying insights from the rejection-identification model and research on vicarious shame. Based on this research, experiencing group shame in response to immigration news should drive Latinos to distance themselves from this identity, leading to greater affiliation with American identity (to maintain a positive self-concept) and stronger support for restrictive immigration policies (to mitigate the potential threats). Alternatively, experiencing anger in response to this coverage should result in less distancing from the shared Latino identity (i.e., greater affiliation), prompting decreased association with American identity and less support for restrictive immigration policies. Results from the mediation model tested here found support for predictions stemming from both vicarious shame and rejection-identification assumptions, indicating that they represent distinct pathways to views on immigration attitudes and identity management. Furthermore, in line with social identity theory, Mexican Americans (vs. non-Mexican Latinos) were more likely to distance from the immigration message and perceive immigration coverage to depict negative beliefs others hold about their ethnic group (owing to the disproportionate emphasis on Mexicans in this coverage). Results are discussed in terms of the implications for group standing as well as the importance of legitimacy of media messages in this context.


1996 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vivian Chavez ◽  
Lori Dorfman

Language is central to Latino1 culture and to the current multicultural multilingual realities of the United States. This exploratory study takes those who may be unfamiliar with Spanish language television news through a comparative analysis of television portrayals of youth and violence. Findings from this ethnographic content analysis reveal that local Spanish language television news stories on youth and/or violence are framed thematically (with a social, political, and economic context) three and a half times more often than English language local television news. This study highlights the importance of engaging the Spanish media in the future health promotion efforts. Public health advocates can share information related to the socioeconomic factors associated with violence and outline policy and programmatic solutions with Spanish language journalists.


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