Sanctuary Cities

Author(s):  
Benjamin Gonzalez O'Brien

Sanctuary policies first emerged in the 1980s as a response to the Reagan administration’s denial of asylum claims for refugees from Guatemala and El Salvador. In response to a growing refugee crisis, and the fear that many of those who were being denied asylum faced persecution and death in their country of origin, churches and synagogues began offering “sanctuary” to refugees from these countries, based on ancient religious tradition. The Sanctuary Movement, as it came to be known, led a number of cities to adopt city resolutions in solidarity beginning in 1983, marking the birth of the sanctuary city. These policies forbade local officials from inquiring into the immigration status of residents and often criticized the Reagan administration’s refugee policies. Today, the scope of sanctuary policies has expanded, and they may not only bar local officials from collecting information on immigration status, but also include a refusal to honor immigration detainers from Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), which are issued by ICE to request that local authorities hold immigrants until they can be taken into federal custody for deportation proceedings. Most sanctuary policies in the United States were passed during three periods. The first ran from 1983 to 1989, with the policies passed in response to the Central American refugee crisis. The September 11 attacks and the subsequent immigration crackdown and passage of policies like Secure Communities would lead to more policies being passed between 2001 and 2012. Lastly, the presidency of Donald Trump led to more declarations based on the administration’s crackdown on undocumented immigration. At the same time, an anti-sanctuary movement materialized for the first time at both the federal and state level that sought to either prevent further declarations or to attach penalties to sanctuary policies. One example is Texas’s SB 4, which in 2017 introduced state-wide bans on these policies and allows for fines and removal from office for officials who do not comply with federal immigration policy. The Trump administration itself sought to deny federal grants to sanctuary jurisdictions, something that had been floated in the past by Republican presidential candidates like Fred Thompson but had never been attempted by previous administrations. The rhetoric of the Trump administration on sanctuary policies, as well as the media coverage of the 2015 accidental shooting of Kathryn Steinle in San Francisco by an undocumented immigrant led to more coverage of the topic than at any other point in history. This in turn led to increased scholarship, which continues, as researchers look to connect the Sanctuary Movement to modern sanctuary cities; to examine the effects of media framing of these policies; to analyze the causes of public support or opposition; to explore the legality of sanctuary and anti-sanctuary legislation; and to document the effects these policies have on the incorporation of immigrant communities and crime rates in sanctuary cities.

Author(s):  
Loren Collingwood ◽  
Benjamin Gonzalez O'Brien

On January 25, 2017, President Donald Trump signed Executive Order 13768, which marked the first federal action targeting American sanctuary cities and fulfilled one of Trump’s key campaign promises. Sanctuary cities, which do not permit local officials to inquire into immigration status and may decline ICE detainer requests, have been in existence since the early 1980s, but the shooting of Kathryn Steinle in 2015 brought them renewed attention. Ms. Steinle’s accidental shooting by an undocumented immigrant, Jose Ines Garcia Zarate, ignited a firestorm of controversy over these policies. Garcia Zarate had been released by the SFPD based on San Francisco’s sanctuary policy, leading then-candidate Donald Trump to make a promise to “end” sanctuary cities a key part of his campaign for president. Yet many Americans know very little about sanctuary policies despite their growing importance in the debate over undocumented immigration and the incorporation of immigrant communities. In this work, Drs. Collingwood and Gonzalez O’Brien provide the first comprehensive examination of sanctuary cities in the United States. Analyzing the historical evolution of these policies, the tone and tenor of media coverage, public opinion, state-level sanctuary legislation, and the effect these policies have on crime rates and Latino political incorporation, the authors hope to provide researchers, members of the public, and lawmakers with the tools to objectively assess the value of sanctuary legislation.


Author(s):  
Ivón Padilla-Rodríguez

Child migration has garnered widespread media coverage in the 21st century, becoming a central topic of national political discourse and immigration policymaking. Contemporary surges of child migrants are part of a much longer history of migration to the United States. In the first half of the 20th century, millions of European and Asian child migrants passed through immigration inspection stations in the New York harbor and San Francisco Bay. Even though some accompanied and unaccompanied European child migrants experienced detention at Ellis Island, most were processed and admitted into the United States fairly quickly in the early 20th century. Few of the European child migrants were deported from Ellis Island. Predominantly accompanied Chinese and Japanese child migrants, however, like Latin American and Caribbean migrants in recent years, were more frequently subjected to family separation, abuse, detention, and deportation at Angel Island. Once inside the United States, both European and Asian children struggled to overcome poverty, labor exploitation, educational inequity, the attitudes of hostile officials, and public health problems. After World War II, Korean refugee “orphans” came to the United States under the Refugee Relief Act of 1953 and the Immigration and Nationality Act. European, Cuban, and Indochinese refugee children were admitted into the United States through a series of ad hoc programs and temporary legislation until the 1980 Refugee Act created a permanent mechanism for the admission of refugee and unaccompanied children. Exclusionary immigration laws, the hardening of US international boundaries, and the United States preference for refugees who fled Communist regimes made unlawful entry the only option for thousands of accompanied and unaccompanied Mexican, Central American, and Haitian children in the second half of the 20th century. Black and brown migrant and asylum-seeking children were forced to endure educational deprivation, labor trafficking, mandatory detention, deportation, and deadly abuse by US authorities and employers at US borders and inside the country.


Journalism ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (11) ◽  
pp. 1552-1569 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily A Ehmer ◽  
Ammina Kothari

This study investigates how Burmese refugees were framed by Fort Wayne’s The Journal Gazette located in one of Indiana’s cities where refugee resettlement has taken place over the last two decades. We analyzed 335 stories and 286 accompanying images to identify salient textual and visual frames. Results show that the human interest and attribution of responsibility were most salient textual frames, while the visual frame of exotic was dominant. Feature stories were more likely to have a human interest frame and, if an image is included, to reflect the visual frame of Burmese as being exotic. As a global refugee crisis continues to unfold, this study presents implications for how media coverage of future refugees in the United States will evolve based on public opinion.


2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles E. Davis

This article presents an overview of research focusing on how state and local governments have regulated oil and gas over the past decade following the expanded industry use of new technologies like hydraulic fracturing (fracking) and horizontal drilling. A consequence of fracking was a substantial increase in energy production accompanied by the emergence of policy concerns about how resource development and jobs could be balanced with efforts to maintain environmental quality. Researchers have dealt with three key concerns in the following sections: (1) determining whether state and local officials can each play an important role in developing policies affecting oil and gas drilling activities, (2) examining how state regulators deal with environmental and health impacts associated with fracking, and (3) looking at how state policy decisions have been shaped taking into account both state-level political and economic characteristics and agency resources and political will.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eveliina Lyytinen

In this article, I analyse the intertwined concepts of hospitality and welcome and their negatives in the context of seeking asylum and deportation. I focus on the scales of individual and community welcome, but also reflect on welcome at the state level. The analysis considers the case of Zaki, a young Afghan man who migrated to Finland in 2015. Zaki experienced welcome, unwelcome and rewelcome in four different stages of migration: his arrival in Finland as an unaccompanied minor, going through the asylum process as an adult man, being deported to Afghanistan and re-entering Finland with an employment-related immigration status. These analytical stages provide a unique opportunity to both consider the politics of welcoming people at different scales and to repopulate the abstract discussions about welcome and hospitality. My analysis is focused on Zaki’s and his Finnish friends’ narration of hospitality and welcome during these four stages. The data used in the article includes interviews with Zaki and four local Finns with reference to deportation statistics, asylum policies and media coverage. This article answers the recent call to examine the lived experiences and perspectives of deportees and their communities and also to recentre the individual within the analysis of welcome.


Significance A change to the rule could aid the coal industry, a political and economic priority of the Trump administration. The move follows mid-September’s Global Action Summit in San Francisco, which gathered some 4,500 local and state leaders and environmental activists from around the planet. A report, ‘Fulfilling America’s Pledge’, released ahead of the summit projected that the United States will miss the Paris Climate Accord targets. Meanwhile, shortly before the summit, Governor Jerry Brown signed an order for California to attain carbon neutrality by 2045. Impacts State green policy imbalances will make some states more appealing for industry (and bring differing business compliance costs). While a state could have more lax environmental laws, consumers may demand businesses work to higher standards. More relaxed environmental regulations could benefit the administration’s efforts to bolster US industry under ‘America First’.


Author(s):  
Charley E. Willison

San Francisco represents municipalities with a local supportive housing policy. San Francisco highlights the significance of policy implementation as a critical process that cannot be overlooked when examining policy success. San Francisco should seemingly be very well positioned to successfully tackle chronic homelessness compared to other cities across the United States with a centralized municipal Continuum of Care, strong local tax base, and historical investment in social and health services for at-risk groups. Yet, many efforts have stagnated at the implementation phase. San Francisco is a city with a very visible homelessness epidemic. The problem will not be solved until implementation problems can be overcome by improving participatory equity in political decision-making to include minorities and at-risk groups, limiting elected officials’ ability to interfere with bureaucrats’ duties to carry out supportive housing regulation, and improving state level coordination with municipal goals to reduce administrative burden and align funding mechanisms.


2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (S4) ◽  
pp. 105-111
Author(s):  
Erica Turret ◽  
Chelsea Parsons ◽  
Adam Skaggs

This article assesses the origins and spread of the Second Amendment sanctuary movement in which localities pass ordinances or resolutions that declare their jurisdiction's view that proposed or enacted state (or federal) gun safety laws are unconstitutional and therefore, local officials will not implement or enforce them. While it is important to assess Second Amendment sanctuaries from a legal perspective, it is equally as important to understand them in the context of a broader protest movement against any efforts to strengthen gun laws. As the gun violence prevention movement has gained strength across the United States, particularly at the state level, gun rights enthusiasts have turned to Second Amendment sanctuaries in order to create a counter narrative to the increasing political power of gun safety. By passing these ordinances or resolutions, local officials legitimize and fuel Second Amendment absolutism which poses real risks to public safety and democracy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adriano Udani ◽  
David C. Kimball ◽  
Brian Fogarty

Extant findings show that voter fraud is extremely rare and difficult to prove in the United States. Voter’s knowledge about voter fraud allegations likely comes through the media, who tend to sensationalize the issue. In this study, we argue that the more voters are exposed to media coverage of voter fraud allegations, the more likely that they will perceive that voter fraud is a frequent problem. We merge the 2012 Survey of Performance of American Elections with state-level media coverage of voter fraud leading up to the 2012 election. Our results show that media coverage of voter fraud is associated with public beliefs about voter fraud. In states where fraud was more frequently featured in local media outlets, public concerns about voter fraud were heightened. In particular, we find that press attention to voter fraud has a larger influence on Republicans than Democrats and Independents. We further find that media coverage of voter fraud does not further polarize partisan perceptions of voter fraud. Rather, political interest moderates state media coverage on voter fraud beliefs only among Republicans. Last, our results provide no support that demographic changes, approval of election administration, or information concerning actual reported voting irregularities have any discernable effects on partisan perceptions.


2019 ◽  
pp. 120-149
Author(s):  
John M. Thompson

Chapter 6 considers US-Japanese relations from 1905 to 1909. It examines several sources of tension, including an anti-Japanese movement that was particularly strong among organized labor in San Francisco, sensationalist newspapers in both countries, and concerns that Japan would attack the Philippines or Hawaii. The chapter argues that Roosevelt sought to strike a delicate balance in relations with Tokyo by protecting Japanese already in the United States, but also reducing the inflow of immigrants to mollify anti-Japanese sentiment. In an effort to upgrade US capabilities in the event of war, the president also convinced Congress to build additional battleships and sent the navy on a cruise around the world. TR also viewed the cruise as a way to increase public support for naval expansion.


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