The Economy, 1949–1978

Author(s):  
Dwight H. Perkins

The Chinese economy during the first three decades of rule by the Chinese Communist Party was organized in a fundamentally different way from that of market economies in much of the rest of the world and from what the Chinese economy became in the 21st century after three decades of market-oriented economic reform. Beginning in the mid-1950s, China introduced a centrally planned command economy patterned on that of the Soviet Union. This economic system involved the abolition of household agriculture in favor of collectives, first called “agricultural producer cooperatives” and, later, “Rural People’s Communes.” Industrial inputs and outputs were allocated by administrative means in accordance with a plan developed by the State Planning Commission, and market forces were largely eliminated in industry and large-scale commerce. Wages were set, and skilled workers were allocated to jobs by the government rather than by a labor market. Even many consumer goods were rationed, although some were allocated to households through the market; prices paid to farmers also played a limited role in government procurement of agricultural products. This highly centralized nonmarket, Soviet-type system, however, was introduced into the very different context of a developing country that was extremely poor. From the beginning, China’s leadership and that of Chinese Communist Party Chairman Mao Zedong, in particular, explored alternatives to these rigid central controls. The result of these explorations more often than not was economic disaster, leading to the 1959–1961 famine in which roughly thirty million people are believed to have died. The government and the leadership also pursued political goals, notably during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), that disrupted the economy and slowed economic growth. Economic studies during this period thus focused on how the economy was organized, how it made the transition from a market economy to a nonmarket command economy, and how the institutions and performance of this command economy performed in various periods. Describing the institutions was easier than measuring performance because, from 1958 to 1960, China published data that grossly exaggerated China’s economic performance. After 1960, given the reality of famine and a poorly performing economy more generally, the government simply stopped publishing statistical data on economic performance. Many analysts outside China thus had to piece together the data that did leak out, and much of their work managed to capture what was happening. The publication of increasing amounts of official data, beginning in 1979, filled in some of the gaps in the earlier literature. Most Chinese economists from 1949 through 1978 were expected to follow the government/party line at the time in anything they published; however, there were exceptions in which individual economists and officials stated views on economic matters that did not reflect the dominant government/party line.

Subject Communist Party control over private businesses. Significance The Chinese Communist Party sees itself as a 'vanguard party'. That is, it governs by leading other social groups, including the government and private enterprise. Reforms over the years have withdrawn the government from direct control of many industries, but the Party is reasserting control behind the scenes. Impacts In the business sector, control by the state is being replaced with control by the Party; enterprise is not an independent sector. Large private sector firms such as China's ICT giants are subject to the influence and occasional control of Party groups. Party infrastructure in foreign companies is growing, and the Party may take a closer look at business decisions.


Author(s):  
Willy Wo-Lap Lam

This chapter explores the macro-level political development in China and the possibilities of liberalization in the context of weiquan and weiwen. The government is resorting to both hard and soft measures to maintain stability and legitimacy. On the one hand, a “scorched earth policy” is used against dissidents who may be perceived to challenge the Chinese Communist Party directly, as demonstrated by the prosecution and heavy punishment of Liu Xiaobo and his comrades-in-arms. On the other, the CCP has taken a reconciliatory approach in dealing with the poor, the liberal elements within the CCP, and the Uighurs in Xinjiang. In general, however, the CCP is retreating to a conservative comfort zone ideologically and institutionally. This suggests that there are only slim chances of further political reform.


Global Jurist ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gianmatteo Sabatino

Abstract Chinese economic development has been driven, among other factors, by the gradual expansion of the private economy and the establishment of Chinese-based multinational corporations recognized as “champions” of the Chinese economy. At the same time, the Chinese Communist Party strives to maintain proper coordination mechanisms over the Chinese private economy, in order to ensure the harmonization between private and public interests. Does such policy direction, pursued by the Chinese leadership, rely on legal mechanisms? Does the Chinese Communist Party have legal instruments at its disposal in order to carry out coordinative functions concerning the private economy? The issue, although acknowledged by several scholars, has been rarely the object of a comprehensive legal analysis, taking into account the interactions between the different legal formants of the Chinese system. The purpose of this paper is to sketch an outline of the main legal mechanisms empowering the Chinese Communist Party to supervise and coordinate the activity of private economic operators. Starting from the assessment of some recent developments, embodied in «Opinions on Strengthening the United Front Work in the Private Economy in the New Era» issued in September 2020, the analysis will try to identify some of the most relevant legal provisions aimed at ensuring Party supervision over the private economy, in particular Art. 19 of the Company Law. Such provisions will be analyzed not only within the context of the recent developments of Chinese economic law, but also with regard to its practical applications by courts, in order to define the scope, in concrete, of Party activities in the private economy. The information gathered and analyzed will then be taken as conceptual basis to draw some conclusions regarding the structural role of the Chinese Communist Party in the development of Chinese commercial and economic law.


1994 ◽  
Vol 140 ◽  
pp. 1007-1024 ◽  
Author(s):  
David S. G. Goodman

The Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-Henan or JinJiLuYu Border Region was formally proclaimed on 7 July 1941, the fourth anniversary of the Marco Polo Bridge Incident. Even at that early stage some level of activity by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) or its allies was claimed for 148 counties in Shanxi (Jin), Hebei (Ji), Shandong (Lu) and Henan (Yu). By 1947 and the outbreak of open civil war, the government of the JinJiLuYu Border Region claimed jurisdiction over some 30 million people. In 1948 it merged with the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Border Region, immediately to the north, to form the North China People's Government, part of the process that led directly to the foundation of the People's Republic of China (PRC).


2002 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 86-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kazuko Kojima ◽  
Ryosei Kokubun

In recent years, the community development programme called 'Shequ Construction' has been making rapid progress in China. The discussion surrounding the programme focuses on how to adjust the relationship between the street offices (which fall under the jurisdiction of the government) and the shequ residents' committees (defined as the people's self-governing entity). The programme has also led the debate over the position and role of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in the newly reconstructed shequ. While the party's Organization Department proposes the unification of the shequ party branches and shequ residents' committees, others maintain that the shequ party branch should be differentiated from the shequ residents' committee, which is still viewed as an agent of government. They say 'the greatest advantage of the CCP is that it is the embodiment of social power and it is not a non-socialist external force like the administrative organ'. Their proposal raises further questions: How should the party change its direction and guidance within the framework of the separation of government and society? Will this affect the party's ability to continue to provide society with effective 'guidance' and become representative of society? This paper will provide some clues to help answer these questions.


2020 ◽  
pp. 172-212
Author(s):  
Silvia M. Lindtner

This chapter documents the appropriation of making by the CCP (Chinese Communist Party). This manifested in infrastructural and urban upgrades aimed at inducing desires for self-transformation in Chinese citizens. The chapter draws from ethnographic research conducted with the workers, designers, and managers in Shenzhen's manufacturing industry, documenting their ambivalent relationship to the “invention” of Shenzhen as a maker city. It shows that by positing certain urban spaces as sites of making and as the ideal training ground for happiness and self-investment, the government aimed to induce in the workers, designers, and engineers of China's manufacturing industry desires to upgrade themselves. The chapter also details the slow violence at the heart of contemporary displacements of technological promise.


Author(s):  
Jeremy Wallace

Since 2012, politics in the People’s Republic of China has been remade. Both institutional and rhetorical changes characterize this neopolitical “new normal,” which coincides with Xi Jinping’s rise to the top of the party-state hierarchy. But these changes extend well beyond Xi himself. Political authority has been centralized and folded back into the Chinese Communist Party, while complaints, self-criticisms, and confessions have begun to air publicly. Repression and humiliation have been used against critics as wide-ranging as Hong Kong booksellers, feminist activists, and rights lawyers, among others. Most ominously, the government has embarked on a massive detention and reeducation scheme in Xinjiang, with the number of those interned estimated to be in the hundreds of thousands or even surpassing a million. This chapter investigates China’s neopolitical turn—its limits, sources, and implications.


1999 ◽  
Vol 157 ◽  
pp. 142-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Teresa Wright

Proponents of Western-style democracy greeted the Chinese “Democracy Movement” of 1989 with great hope and anticipation. Yet the brutal end of this wave of political protest left many in despair. The rulers of the Chinese Communist Party had made it painfully clear that they would not tolerate any movement or organization which posed a threat to their political control. At the same time, however, observers and analysts also began to question the wisdom and effectiveness of the student protesters who had participated in the movement. Perhaps, many wondered, the students' behaviour had also contributed to the movement's unfortunate finale. In particular, many noted the students' disorganization, lack of respect for democratic procedures and inability to present a united position to the government. In addition, some remarked that the students' exclusive, non-integrative mobilization strategy may have weakened their ability to successfully put pressure on the government.


2011 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
André Laliberté

The Chinese Communist Party has shown tolerance, if not direct support, for the growth of Buddhism over the last few decades. Three explanations for this lenient attitude are explored in this article. The flourishing of Buddhism is encouraged by the state less for its propaganda value in foreign affairs than for its potential to lure tourists who will, in turn, represent a source of revenue for local governments. Buddhist institutions are also establishing their track record in the management of philanthropic activities in impoverished area where local governments lack the resources to offer specific social services. Finally, the development of such activities has contributed to enhance cooperation between China and Taiwan, whose governments have a vested interest in the improvement of relations across the Strait. The article concludes that the growth of Buddhism in China results from the initiatives of Buddhists themselves, and the government supports this growth because it serves local politics well.


Author(s):  
Ronald William McQuaid ◽  
Ariel Bergmann

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to consider the development of “Green” jobs in one region of the European Union, Scotland, where the government has sought to develop renewable and sustainable energy industries and associated employment. Design/methodology/approach – The paper analyses selected secondary data and policy documents and conceptualises issues concerning employment in the renewable energy sector. Findings – It analyses published data and projections on employment in renewable energy sectors, considering the reasons for the lower actual job creation. Many of the jobs in the renewable energy sector are likely to be high skilled, so there is need to support the development of low-skilled workers and job seekers so that they can enter and progress in the industry. Similarly there is a strong gender bias in the industry which may similarly reduce the entry and retention of the best staff and inhibit social equity. Research limitations/implications – The paper suggests that “Career first” recruitment and development policies are needed which emphasise improving both productivity and the “quality” and attractiveness of sustainable, long-term careers in the sector. Practical implications – In addition to relying on general labour attraction policies and separate industry-specific skills initiatives for those already in work, more attention needs to be given to developing sustainable employment with career progression for people moving into, or already in, the industry. Originality/value – The links between support for those moving into jobs and developing the skills of existing workers in sustainable industries have been under researched and this paper adds new conceptual developments, in terms of “Career” first approaches and empirical analysis of employment in renewable industries in Scotland.


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