The Life of Guy

Author(s):  
Allan Metcalf

This book is about the name “Guy” and its slow, mostly unnoticed development over four centuries since it began on November 5, 1605, with the suddenly famous Guy Fawkes, who was arrested just in time just before he could light the fuse on 36 barrels of gunpowder to blow up the House of Lords. During those four centuries, “Guy” became “guy,” the name for an effigy of Guy Fawkes burned at bonfires every November 5 since. The effigy was called a “guy,” so that more than one effigy would be “guys,” Then, slowly, “guy” extended its signification into a name for a ragged, lower-class male, then any strangely dressed male, then a neutral everyday word for just any male, a “guy.” To top it off, the 20th century extended the plural “guys” or “you guys” to include all human beings, even women speaking to groups of women. None of these developments were made deliberately; the word just quietly slipped by, except for opposition from some Southerners and feminists who objected to it on the grounds that it wasn’t “y’all” and it wasn’t gender neutral. It has become all the more entrenched because now it’s the standard second-person plural pronoun for most of us who speak English.

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Allan Metcalf

English terrorist Guy Fawkes is the source of our present-day words “guy” and its plural “guys.” After almost succeeding in lighting 36 barrels of gunpowder under the House of Lords on November 5, 1605, Fawkes was put to death within two short months. But his name lived on, thanks to the act of Parliament declaring every November 5 henceforth as a day of thanksgiving to God for delivering them from Gunpowder Treason. From the start, November 5 was a popular holiday, concluding with bonfires where effigies of Guy, soon called “guys,” were burned. Thus the way opened for “guy” to refer by extension to the lowest sort of man, then in due course to a man of odd or ridiculous dress and appearance, then gradually, at least in the United States, to any man of any class or bearing, even fully respectable. And then, even more strangely, the masculine “guy” became gender-neutral “guys.” And so it became the present-day standard second-person plural pronoun, taking the place of plural “you,” which had taken the place of singular “thou,” which had disappeared from everyday use in the 1700s. It was not until the later 20th century that “you guys” was inclusive enough to be the standard second-person plural, but that space had remained unfilled, and “guys” or “you guys” fit in so well that nowadays we hardly even notice.


2019 ◽  
pp. 115-124
Author(s):  
Allan Metcalf

In the 20th century, “guys” continued its expansion, becoming less particular as it grew more general. This chapter illustrates this development with many examples. At first there are a few outliers with an extended meaning, then more, until the extended is included without calling attention to it. “Guy” and “guys” first extended their meaning to encompass every male, infant to geezer. In the process they discarded their negative restrictions to low class or badly dressed, so “guy” was now, often enough, just a neutral designation for a male. And “guys” stretched even further, to include women. At first, as in Edna Ferber’s 1911 novel Dawn O’Hara, The Girl Who Laughed, it’s a mixed group, in this case one woman in an audience of five journalists being addressed by another one, a male. But if “guys” can include one woman, why not all? That’s the case in Rachel Crothers’s 1911 play, “He and She,” that has “guys” entirely female, in the phrase “wise guys.” By mid-century, in most of the United States, “guys” was the normal scarcely noted second-person plural pronoun. It has spread around the world also. Even speakers in Guy Fawkes’s home town of York, England, now use “you guys,” where it was unheard as recently as two decades ago.


2018 ◽  
Vol 134 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-85
Author(s):  
Víctor Lara Bermejo

AbstractThe Romance languages of the Iberian Peninsula possess a second person plural subject pronoun that induces verb and pronoun agreement in 2pl. While standard Catalan chooses us/vos as unstressed pronouns, Portuguese selects vos and Spanish, os. Nevertheless, the data taken from linguistic atlases of the 20th century point out the great quantity of 2pl allomorphs in unstressed pronouns: tos, sos, sus, los and se. In this article, I aim to account for the linguistic geography of 2pl allomorphs and their possible linguistic factors.


Author(s):  
Peter Auer

Abstract Like many other languages, but unlike modern (standard) English, German has a distinct second person plural pronoun (ihr, ‘you guys’), contrasting with the second person singular pronoun (du). The second person plural pronoun addresses a turn to more than one, and possibly all co-present participants. This paper investigates turn-taking after such multiply addressed turns, taking as an example information-seeking questions, i.e., a sequential context in which a specific next action is relevant in the adjacent position. It might appear that in such a context, self-selection applies (Schegloff 1992: 122); more than one co-participant is addressed, but none selected as next speaker. In this paper, I show on the basis of spontaneous interactions recorded with mobile eye-tracking equipment that this is not the case and that TCU-final gaze is employed to select the next speaker. The participant not being gazed at TCU-finally is addressed, but not selected as the answerer in next position and may provide an answer in a sequential position after the first answer. The article demonstrates that gaze is an efficient way to allocate turns in the absence of verbal cues and thus contributes to our understanding of turn-taking from a multimodal perspective.


2008 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amit Marcus

AbstractThe essay discusses grammatical and narratological issues of first-person plural (“we”) narratives. It elaborates on the repercussions of Uri Margolin's argument (1996, 2000) regarding the semantic instability of the pronoun “we”, a feature that remains general and abstract in his formulation. Everyday language tends to conceal this instability, whereas some fictional narratives accentuate it, thereby actualizing the subversive potential of the first-person-plural pronoun and highlighting the relationship of the individual “I” to the “we” group and the relationship of this group to “others”. Like second-person narratives, first-person-plural narratives may transgress the boundary between the virtual and the actual and point to the absence of necessary connection between the grammatical form and its deictic function. The essay also proposes a distinction between plural and dual fictional narratives: due to their deictic properties, plural “we” narratives are frequently more destabilizing than dual “we” narratives, which are not characterized by semantic fluidity.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 235
Author(s):  
Izzuddin R. Mohammad ◽  
Parween S. Abdulaziz

Honorifics are elements of language that can be represented by both lexical categories like nouns and functional categories like pronouns. They are respect, formality, and distance- related concepts and they have been of major concern to many sociolinguists and pragmatists. The current work is a pragmatic and sociolinguistic approach to honorifics in Northern Kurmanji/ Bahdinan area with reference to English. Data are collected from Waar TV. program ده‌نگێ گوندى The Voice of Village. Honorifics are identified and classified into categories; then they are explained. Data analysis shows that Northern Kurmanji does not achieve honorification morphologically, but rather lexically. Thus, it is a non- honorific language. Moreover, not only is the second-person plural pronoun used as an honorific, when addressing a single person, but also the first-person plural pronoun. Sometimes, the core function of honorifics is reversed to show disrespect in the context of irony.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-82
Author(s):  
Joseph Lovestrand

Abstract This article describes two distinct but related grammaticalization paths in Barayin, an East Chadic language. One path is from a first-person plural pronoun to a first-person dual pronoun. Synchronically, the pronominal forms in Barayin with first-person dual number must now be combined with a plural addressee enclitic, nà, to create a first-person plural pronoun. This path is identical to what has been documented in Philippine-type languages. The other path is from a first-person dative suffix to a suffix dedicated to first-person hortative. This path of grammaticalization has not been discussed in the literature. It occurred in several related languages, and each case results in a hortative form with a dual subject. Hortative forms with a plural subject are created by adding a plural addressee marker to the dual form. The plural addressee marker in Chadic languages is derived from a second-person pronominal.


Author(s):  
Ana Brígida Paiva

As works of fction, gamebooks offer narrative-bound choices – the reader generally takes on the role of a character inserted in the narrative itself, with gamebooks consequently tending towards being a story told in the second-person perspective. In pursuance of this aim, they can, in some cases, adopt gender-neutral language as regards grammatical gender, which in turn poses a translation challenge when rendering the texts into Portuguese, a language strongly marked by grammatical gender. Stemming from an analysis of a number of gamebooks in R. L. Stine’s popular Give Yourself Goosebumps series, this article seeks to understand how gender indeterminacy (when present) is kept in translation, while examining the strategies used to this effect by Portuguese translators – and particularly how ideas of implied readership come into play in the dialogue between the North-American and Portuguese literary systems.


2017 ◽  
Vol 78 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie Hanlon Rubio

The essay presents an argument for critical retrieval of the framework of cooperation with evil used by the moral manualists who dominated Catholic moral theology in the first part of the 20th century. Both “liberal” and “conservative” Christians are concerned with cooperation but differ as to which issues deserve attention and when cooperation becomes problematic. The key to moving beyond the current impasse is balancing the manualists’ tolerance for material cooperation in the face of conflicting responsibilities with the prophetic sensibilities of womanist theologians who are “troubled in their souls” by the suffering of vulnerable human beings and call Christians to take concrete steps to contribute to the decrease of that suffering.


2021 ◽  

Umm Kulthum was probably the most famous singer in the Arab world during the 20th century, and among the most highly regarded for her command of poetic texts and the historic Arab musical system brought together in affective performances, working closely with accomplished poets and composers of her day. She became a public figure in general, certainly in the later decades of her life, when she became closely associated with then president Jamal ‘Abd al-Nasir of Egypt and spoke frequently about her love for her country and its people. Born to a poor village family in the Egyptian delta, her background resembled that of millions of her compatriots. She was raised in an agrarian setting. Her father was the imam of the local mosque. Like many children of her generation, she attended Qurʾan school (kuttāb), which was among the few educational opportunities for lower-class children under the then British occupation. She learned to sing by mimicking her father and her brother, who sang religious songs for weddings and special occasions to make additional money. Her strong voice drew great attention. She moved to Cairo in about 1923 to advance her career. Thanks to her performances and commercial recordings, her career took off, and by the late 1920s she had become wildly successful. Films and live broadcasts followed in the 1930s. In the 1940s, like many Egyptians, she began to express the shared dismay at the continued British presence during World War II, the corruption of the Egyptian government, and the war in Palestine. After the Egyptian Revolution in 1952, she, again like many of her cohort, expressed support for the revolutionary government in song and speech and, later, for ‘Abd al-Nasir himself. Her musical style changed over the years as she continually cultivated new listeners. Owing to the wide dissemination of her recordings, the powerful Egyptian radio-broadcasting capacity, and her touring, she became well known and popular throughout the Arab world. After the Egyptian defeat in the 1967 war with Israel, she launched a successful series of benefit concerts designed to replenish the Egyptian war department’s treasury. When she died in 1975, it was said that her funeral was bigger than ‘Abd al-Nasir’s had been. Probably owing to her stature as a public figure, most publications about Umm Kulthum have been biographical in nature, as writers attempted to document her life, her social impact, and the reasons for her various successes. She rarely sought an audience outside the world of Arabic speakers, and she was little known in the West until the late 20th century, with the burgeoning interest in “world music.”


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