Shifting Diaspora Policies toward Integration in the Country of Destination

Author(s):  
Alexandra Délano Alonso

This chapter explains the rationale behind the Mexican government’s gradual shift in discourse to make integration a priority goal of its diaspora policies. It also draws on examples of other Latin American governments that have begun to adopt similar policies or language. Compared to more widespread diaspora engagement strategies focused on development, these origin-country-led integration and social protection programs arise in a highly specific context responding to three main factors: first, the large percentage of Latin American migrants that is undocumented; second, the context of the country of destination, specifically the political discourse and the resources deployed to support or limit services for immigrants; and third, the strategic role of these policies as diplomatic tools, in the context of bilateral relations with both the destination country and other countries whose populations share similar challenges.

1977 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 615-624 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lee Sigelman ◽  
William G. Vanderbok

The bureaucratization of the political process that characterizes twentieth century politics in many countries has not bypassed Canada—as evidenced by skyrocketing rates of government employment and expenditure and, even more dramatically, by the ever-expanding policy-making power of Canadian bureaucracy. One observer sees the civil service as occupying an increasingly strategic role in Canadian politics, a condition thatreflects in part the expanding role of modern government into highly technical areas, which tends to augment the discretion of permanent officials because legislators are obliged to delegate to them the administration of complex affairs, including the responsibility for drafting and adjudicating great amounts of sub-legislation required to “fill in the details” of the necessarily broad, organic statutes passed by Parliament. Some indication of the scale of such discretion is found in the fact that, during the period 1963–8, an annual average of 4,130 Orders-in-Council were passed in Ottawa, a substantial proportion of which provided for delegating authority to prescribe rules and regulations to ministers and their permanent advisers. By contrast, the number of laws passed annually by Canadian federal parliaments is rarely over one hundred.


Author(s):  
Seyedmohammad Seyedi Asl ◽  
Hazar Leylanoğlu ◽  
Ataollah Bahremani ◽  
Shalaleh Zabardastalamdari

In this study, using the descriptive-analytical method, we discuss the main factors in the formation of the Yemen crisis, as well as the attitudes of the two Arab states and of the two neighboring countries, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, in the Yemen crisis. It is concluded that this crisis stems not only from the role of local actors, but also from the role of regional and global actors, who played a decisive role in shaping and exacerbating the Yemen crisis. Regional players in the post-2015 crisis include the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, which showed contradictory behavior. Saudi Arabia's targets in its attack on Yemen have a greater military and security dimension. The political and economic objectives of the United Arab Emirates, which is Riyadh's most important ally in this war, have been at a different level from those of Saudi Arabia. This can be seen in Abu Dubai Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed's aspirations to expand his country's influence, to become a major player in the region.


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 263
Author(s):  
Mônica de Castro Maia Senna ◽  
Aline Souto Maior Ferreira ◽  
Valentina Sofia Suarez Baldo

O artigo analisa como sistemas de proteção social na América Latina têm respondido à grave situação social decorrente da pandemia de COVID-19. Pautado em estudo exploratório, o artigo toma como foco as experiências da Argentina, Brasil e México. A perspectiva de análise considera que as respostas produzidas por esses três casos às demandas sociais postas pela pandemia decorrem da interseção entre o legado prévio e estrutura institucional dos sistemas de proteção social existentes em cada país, a orientação política dos governos em exercício e a dinâmica social e política diante do contexto da crise sanitária. Verifica que nos três países, a despeito de medidas protetivas de maior ou menor abrangência e magnitude, que reforçam a proteção social existente ou introduzem novos mecanismos – todos eles temporários – a crise social própria às formações sociais latino-americanas se agravou.LATIN AMERICAN SOCIAL PROTECTION SYSTEMS AND RESPONSES TO THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC: Argentina, Brazil and MexicoAbstractThe article analyses how social protection systems in Latina America have responded to the serious social situation caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. Guided by an exploratory study, the paper focuses on the experiences of Argentina, Brazil and Mexico. The analysis considers that the responses produced by the three cases results from the intersection between the institutional structure’s previous legacy of the social protection systems existing in each country, the political orientation of the governments in exercise and the social and political dynamics in the sanitary crisis context. It seems that, despite protective measures of greater or lesser scope and magnitude, which either reinforce the existing social protections or introduce new mechanisms – all of them temporary – the social crisis specific to Latin American social formations has worsened in the countries studied.Keywords: Social protection. COVID-19. Brazil. México. Argentina


2019 ◽  
pp. 23-25
Author(s):  
Ayenachew A. Woldegiyorgis

Although there is a consensus that Africa has considerable intellectual resources in its diaspora, the benefit that the continent is garnering from it is limited for different reasons. The political climate in several countries and the absence of well-articulated strategies are among the main factors preventing the African knowledge diaspora from engaging with their home countries. Even when, occasionally, political relations improve—such as currently in Ethiopia, diaspora engagement in higher education is challenged by routine issues such as bureaucratic processes, the absence of a coordinating body, and a mismatch between demand and supply.


Islamovedenie ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 5-21
Author(s):  
Boris Vasilyevich Dolgov ◽  

The author analyses the course of the conflict, the composition and the actions of the armed opposition. The methods of the media war against the Syrian Arab Republic are examined. The role of Russia in the suppression of ISIS and the political solution of the Syrian crisis is demonstrated. The academic novelty of the author’s approach is its focus on the new stage of the Syrian crisis in the years 2018–2021, i. e. after the downfall of ISIS. The internal situation in SAR, the activity of the Constitutional Committee, the Presidential elections in 2021 are examined and analyzed. The author concludes that after the defeat of ISIS and its affiliated radical Islamist groupings, the main factors of the conflict continuation are the external actors illegitimately presented in SAR and the armed groups under their control, as well as the Kurdish factor. The author maintains that the polit-ical solution of the Syrian crisis is possible after the transformation of the armed groups of the moderate opposition into a political force and under the condition of the territorial integrity and sover-eignty of Syria that would guarantee the free creed of all its confessions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 70 (4) ◽  
pp. 466-486 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roanne L. Kantor

AbstractThis article seeks to explain the recent popularity of South Asian Anglophone literature (beginning in 1981 and peaking between 1998 and 2008) in light of the boom in Latin American literature of the 1960s. It argues that the phenomenon of regional literary “booms” shares features across both eras, and that a unified theory of booms is increasingly important to understanding the way contemporary literature circulates around the globe. Scholarship about both eras has tended to coalesce around three types of boom-driving agents: “creators,” “contexts,” and “curators.” Within that broader agreement, however, scholarship about the South Asian boom has tended to overemphasize the political symbolism of recent South Asian Anglophone literature and its global popularity, while under-emphasizing the political realities that create the conditions under which that literature became popular. This line of criticism has come at the expense of attention to literature’s other dimensions as a cultural object, as well as contextual explanations of popularity involving the role of governments, demographics, and market flows. The more diverse scholarship on the Latin American boom offers a corrective with insights for both the future of South Asian Anglophone literature and the field of World Literature.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 142-163
Author(s):  
T. A. Vorotnikova

A protest wave which began in 2019 has swept across many Latin American countries. The Multinational State of Bolivia, where rapid destabilization of political situation has led to a serious internal crisis, was no exception. The paper examines the prospects for conflict resolution in Bolivia through the lens of the ‘divided society’ concept. The first section identifies the key fault lines in Bolivia including ethnic, cultural, and civilizational differences, economic disproportions, and high levels of social and political polarization. The author shows how the regime of Evo Morales managed to reach an internal balance and maintain it for quite a long time through complex balancing, concessions, and compromises. The second section identifies the causes behind the 2019 crisis. These include miscalculations of the government which has revealed general instability of the country’s political system and threatened to erode democratic institutions; changes in electoral behavior of the population; the increasing role of the armed forces. The author links the possibilities to overcome these challenges faced by Bolivia with the expansion of the social protection in conjunction with the principle of consociationalism, but stresses that even so the consolidation of the Bolivian society will be a time-consuming process.


1971 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-151
Author(s):  
Frederick M. Nunn

Historians from the United States have studied the Latin American military using two principal approaches: in broad, topical studies dealing with the socio-political role of the military, i.e. armies, from colonial times to the present and in monographic works dealing thematically with the political role of the military in a specific country during a specific time. Neither approach boasts a defintive work. Certainly not the former, for the role of the Latin American military is simply too big to be dealt with between the covers of a single volume; nor the latter, because of the necessary exclusivism inherent in dealing with one nation-one period. A third approach, the multinational treatment of the military in Latin America during a fixed period exists, but to date few such works are in print.


2021 ◽  
Vol 114 ◽  
pp. 58-84
Author(s):  
Luboš Švec ◽  

The aim of the article is to analyse how the interests of political parties were reflected in interwar Czechoslovak–Latvian relations. The article focuses on the analysis of both objective and subjective reasons why the cleavage between the relevant Latvian political parties – the Farmers’ Union and Social Democrats – was reflected in Czechoslovak policy. Both political parties maintained transnational contacts with ideologically related political parties in Czechoslovakia. The article examines if there were systemic or rather specific subjective reasons for the influence of the political parties on bilateral relations, resulting from the specifics of the interwar Czechoslovak–Latvian relations.


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