Introduction

Author(s):  
Jennifer Stromer-Galley

This chapter provides an overview of key arguments and goals. A key mission of the book is to help scholars of political communication and digital media contextualize and better understand the shifting practices by campaigns long before Barack Obama was a household name. To do so, this study borrows from the work of Robert Denton, looking especially at the political and social context, the organization, fundraising, and image construction of the candidates, as well as factoring in the role of journalists and the hybrid media environment and public opinion polling. I also examine citizen involvement in the campaign. I describe how campaigns’ use of digital communication technologies and the specific affordance of interactivity bring to light that the objective of a campaign is to win—not to fully engage citizens in the campaign. This chapter concludes by providing a brief outline of the book, underscoring the shifting campaign practices that occurred between 1996 and 2016.

Author(s):  
Paolo Gerbaudo

Digital communication technologies are modifying how social movements communicate internally and externally and the way participants are organized and mobilized. This transformation calls for a rethinking of how we conceive of and analyze them. Scholars cannot be content with studying the digital and the physical or the online and the offline separately, but must explore the imbrication between these aspects by studying how the elements of social movements combine in a political “ensemble,” an ecosystem, or an action texture, defining the possibilities and limits of collective action. This chapter proposes a qualitative methodology combining analysis of digital media with observations of events and interviews with participants to develop a holistic account of collective action. This methodology is best positioned to capture the changing nature and meaning of protest action in a digital era, producing a “thick account” of the relationship between digital politics and everyday life.


2019 ◽  
pp. 100-122
Author(s):  
Francis L. F. Lee

This chapter reviews the relationship between the media and the Umbrella Movement. The mainstream media, aided by digital media outlets and platforms, play the important role of the public monitor in times of major social conflicts, even though the Hong Kong media do so in an environment where partial censorship exists. The impact of digital media in largescale protest movements is similarly multifaceted and contradictory. Digital media empower social protests by promoting oppositional discourses, facilitating mobilization, and contributing to the emergence of connective action. However, they also introduce and exacerbate forces of decentralization that present challenges to movement leaders. Meanwhile, during and after the Umbrella Movement, one can also see how the state has become more proactive in online political communication, thus trying to undermine the oppositional character of the Internet in Hong Kong.


Author(s):  
Christopher F. Karpowitz

A powerful tool for content analysis, DICTION allows scholars to illuminate the ideas, perspectives, and linguistic tendencies of a wide variety of political actors. At its best, a tool like DICTION allows scholars not just to describe the features of political language, but also to analyze the causes and the consequences those features in ways that advance our understanding political communication more broadly. Effective analysis involves helping academic audiences understand what the measures being used mean, how the results relate to broader theoretical constructs, and the extent to which findings reveal something important about the political world. This involves exploring both the causes and the consequences of linguistic choices, including by attending closely to how those texts are received by their intended audiences. In this chapter, the authors review ways in which DICTION has been used and might be used to better understand the role of political leadership, the meaning of democracy, and the effects of political language on the political behavior of ordinary citizens.


Author(s):  
Tolga Demirbas

The “power of the purse” is one of the fundamental powers of the parliament. This power is defined as a parliament’s authority to determine the amount of public expenditures to be made and the category and amount of taxes to be collected from citizens. To exercise this power, parliaments must debate and review the budget drawn up by the government to ensure that it reflects the preferences of citizens. Nevertheless, it is quite apparent that parliaments today do not sufficiently debate government budgets and do not completely exercise their existing authority. This development weakens the political function of the budget process and sometimes leads to non-optimal budget outcomes. Information and communication technologies (ICTs), particularly websites, are significant tools that parliaments have at their disposal to address this problem. When they are effectively designed, parliamentary websites can contribute to more efficient outcomes to the budget process by enabling the members of a parliament and the citizens they represent to involve themselves in that process. This chapter addresses the potential contributions of parliamentary websites to the budget process. These contributions promise to make budget information more transparent and understandable. This chapter engages in this task by using a content-analysis methodology to examine the website of the Turkish parliament.


Author(s):  
Andrew Flanagin ◽  
Miriam J. Metzger

The rich research heritage on source credibility is fundamentally linked to processes of political communication and the provision of political information. Networked digital technologies, however, have recently complicated the assessment of source credibility by modifying people’s ability to determine source expertise and trustworthiness, which are the foundations upon which credibility evaluations have traditionally rested. This chapter explores source credibility in online contexts by examining the credibility of digital versus traditional channels, the nature of political information conveyed by social media, and the dynamics of political information online. In addition, this chapter considers related research concerns, including the link between credibility and selective exposure, the potential for group polarization, and the role of social media in seeking and delivering credible political information. These concerns suggest challenges and opportunities as information consumers navigate the contemporary information environment in search of the knowledge to make them informed members of a politically engaged citizenry.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 244-266
Author(s):  
Joseph Sung-Yul Park

Abstract Focusing on fansubbing, the production of unauthorized subtitles by fans of audiovisual media content, this paper calls for a more serious sociolinguistic analysis of the political economy of digital media communication. It argues that fansubbing’s contentious position within regimes of intellectual property and copyright makes it a useful context for considering the crucial role of language ideology in global capitalism’s expanding reach over communicative activity. Through a critical analysis of Korean discourses about fansubbing, this paper considers how tensions between competing ideological conceptions of fansub work shed light on the process by which regimes of intellectual property incorporate digital media communication as a site for profit. Based on this analysis, the paper argues for the need to look beyond the affordances of digital media in terms of translingual, hybrid, and creative linguistic form, to extend our investigations towards language ideologies as a constitutive element in the political economy.


2013 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara Rzayeva

AbstractHealth care systems reflect historical relationships between states and citizens, as well as predominant values and institutions marking a particular social milieu. Theories that place national health care in historical social context tend to exaggerate the forces of globalization and to underestimate the role of local specificities. A health care system and its social context, however, are shaped at the intersection of global, regional, and local factors, rather than by globalization alone. In this article I demonstrate this combined influence by tracking the transition in Soviet to post-Soviet health care Azerbaijan. I show that the dissolution of Azerbaijan’s socialized health care was due not to neoliberal globalization, but rather to the historical constellation of global, regional, and national processes, including the political choice of a petroleum-based development strategy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-163
Author(s):  
Matthew Jenkins

Approaches to social network heterogeneity in political communication research tend to focus on the effect of accumulated interactions among individuals with different political views. This line of research has provided a number of rich insights into the nature of the relationship between sociality and political participation. At the same time, this research tradition has been hampered by inconsistent terminology, and it has not been updated to reflect the fact that the experience of engaging with politics through digital media produces a unique subjective experience wherein the user is made to address an imagined audience with a perceived set of characteristics. In this study I aim to accomplish three main objectives. First, I propose an adjustment to the conceptual framework used in the literature. Second, I introduce the concept of subjective social network heterogeneity to describe perceived heterogeneity in the political views of the imagined audience. Third, I investigate the relationship between subjective social network heterogeneity and political expression empirically, through an analysis of original survey data from Japan and South Korea. The results show that differences between the political views of an individual and the perceived political views of the imagined audience depresses political expression on social media in both countries, but that variance in the perceived views of the imagined audience is positively associated with political expression.      


Diksi ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anang Santoso

The grammar of the Indonesian language is greatly made use of inpolitical discourse and especially after the era of the Old Order. Via grammaticalforms, the political elite fights for its power and ideology, both explicitly andimplicitly, causing an unbalanced political communication. A research study thisarticle is about was conducted to (1) describe and interpret the utilization ofgrammaticality in political discourse and (2) clarify why certain grammaticalforms are paid special attention while others are not.The study applied a critical qualitative approach with a “critical discourseanalysis” design from Fairclough (1989: 1995). In this perspective, no textproduced by the political elite is neutral from political interest. Discourse is asocial construction and results from social-historical and political conditions.There is no discourse which is a social vacuum. Discourse is a social creationreflecting the interests of certain social groups.The research results indicate that (1) each group of the Indonesianpolitical elite uses transitivity with material meaning, agent nominalization, thepassive voice, and the negative form to show its power and hide its ideologicalposition, (2) each assumes the role of information provider, shows its authority inthe presence of the other groups and the Indonesian society, and asserts its powerby choosing to use the personal pronouns we and I, (3) it makes considerable use ofmodality expressing authority, and (4) there are institutional and cultural processesexplaining why certain grammatical forms are paid special attention while othersare not.Keywords: grammaticality, political discourse


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