scholarly journals Bringing the Cross Pressures Thesis into the Digital Realm: Subjective Social Network Heterogeneity and Online Political Expression

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-163
Author(s):  
Matthew Jenkins

Approaches to social network heterogeneity in political communication research tend to focus on the effect of accumulated interactions among individuals with different political views. This line of research has provided a number of rich insights into the nature of the relationship between sociality and political participation. At the same time, this research tradition has been hampered by inconsistent terminology, and it has not been updated to reflect the fact that the experience of engaging with politics through digital media produces a unique subjective experience wherein the user is made to address an imagined audience with a perceived set of characteristics. In this study I aim to accomplish three main objectives. First, I propose an adjustment to the conceptual framework used in the literature. Second, I introduce the concept of subjective social network heterogeneity to describe perceived heterogeneity in the political views of the imagined audience. Third, I investigate the relationship between subjective social network heterogeneity and political expression empirically, through an analysis of original survey data from Japan and South Korea. The results show that differences between the political views of an individual and the perceived political views of the imagined audience depresses political expression on social media in both countries, but that variance in the perceived views of the imagined audience is positively associated with political expression.      

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 70
Author(s):  
Ayşe Aslı Sezgin

“Social network sites” first began to be used as new tools of political communication during the 2008 Presidential Election in the United States, and their importance became even more apparent during the Arab Spring. In the course of this, the social network sites became a new and widely discussed channel of communication. In addition to its ability to bring together people from different parts of the world by removing any time and space barriers, creates a virtual network that allows individuals with shared social values to take action in an organized manner. Furthermore, this novel, versatile and multi-faceted tool of political communication has also provided a new mean for observing various aspects of social reactions to political events. Instead of voters expressing their political views through their votes from one election to the other, we nowadays have voters who actively take part in political processes by instantly demonstrating their reactions and by directly communicating their criticisms online.


2019 ◽  
pp. 100-122
Author(s):  
Francis L. F. Lee

This chapter reviews the relationship between the media and the Umbrella Movement. The mainstream media, aided by digital media outlets and platforms, play the important role of the public monitor in times of major social conflicts, even though the Hong Kong media do so in an environment where partial censorship exists. The impact of digital media in largescale protest movements is similarly multifaceted and contradictory. Digital media empower social protests by promoting oppositional discourses, facilitating mobilization, and contributing to the emergence of connective action. However, they also introduce and exacerbate forces of decentralization that present challenges to movement leaders. Meanwhile, during and after the Umbrella Movement, one can also see how the state has become more proactive in online political communication, thus trying to undermine the oppositional character of the Internet in Hong Kong.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 255-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wilson Ugangu

Kenya’s media landscape has greatly transformed since the reforms of the 1990s, resulting in increased private ownership of media. The relationship between the media, politics and the citizen has been the most affected by these transformations. Using examples from Kenya’s 2017 elections, this article attempts to show how this relationship has changed and the opportunities and challenges for modern political communication. This article argues that although new trends in political communication have resulted in complex and dynamic political campaigns, they have also resulted in the atomization and alienation of the citizen in the democratic enterprise. This analysis is made against the backdrop of the political economy of the media theoretical perspective and, to an extent, emerging literature on media and globalization and attendant forces on the Kenyan society in general.


Author(s):  
Mercedes Barros ◽  
Virginia Morales

En el presente artículo se aborda la relación entre populismo y derechos ciudadanos desde una perspectiva histórica y política, atendiendo a ciertos aspectos atribuibles al populismo en tanto fenómeno político específico y enfocando el análisis en una experiencia histórica determinada de los así llamados populismos clásicos. Puesto que de manera reiterada se ha señalado que los regímenes populistas suponen una convivencia conflictiva en el ejercicio efectivo de los derechos y libertades individuales, el objetivo del artículo se encamina a contribuir al esclarecimiento de esta tensión. En particular, se centra en la experiencia política del primer peronismo, dirigiendo la mirada sobre las implicaciones de este vínculo en la base de la sociedad. Para tal propósito, se recuperan ciertas matrices textuales heterodoxas, a través de las cuales se busca dilucidar la experiencia subjetiva que se forjó en torno al ejercicio de los derechos ciudadanos con el telón de fondo del discurso peronista.Abstract: This paper addresses the relationship between populism and civil rights from a political and historical perspective, paying attention to certain theoretical approaches that can be attributed to populism understood as a specific political phenomenon and focusing analysis on a certain historical experience of so called classical populisms. As time and time again it has been suggested that populism imply a conflictive coexistence between the effective exercise of individual rights and its freedoms. The aim of this paper is to feed the clarification of this tension. It focuses on the political experience of first peronismo. The paper aims to contribute to the clarification of the tension that characterizes this link, particularly focusing on its implications at the base of society. For this purpose, we recover certain heterodox textual matrices, in which we hope to elucidate the subjective experience that was forged around the exercise of civil rights against the backdrop of Peronist discourse.


Author(s):  
Natalia Aruguete

This work proposes a new model of activation of frames, called network activated frames (NAF). The NAF seeks to update the study of framing as a result of the activation of frames by users in a connected network. With this objective in mind, I reconstruct the different notions of frame and framing in the political communication literature and present their limitations. The activation of frames in social networks is verified experimentally using a conjoint experiment, a technique that randomly rotates a variety of frame elements and evaluates the intention to share the content. The results provide conclusive evidence of the propensity of social network users to activate different frame elements in different regions of a social network. Resumen Este trabajo propone un nuevo modelo de activación de encuadres llamado network activated frames (NAF) (activación de encuadres en red). El NAF busca actualizar el estudio del framing como resultado de la activación de encuadres por parte de los usuarios en una red conectada. Con este objetivo en mente, reconstruyo las distintas nociones de frame y framing en la bibliografía en comunicación política y presento sus limitaciones. La activación de encuadres en redes sociales se constata experimentalmente utilizando tweets apareados (conjoint experiment), una técnica que rota aleatoriamente una variedad de elementos de encuadre (frame elements) y evalúa la intención de compartir el contenido. Los resultados proporcionan evidencia concluyente de la propensión de los usuarios de redes sociales a activar distintos elementos de encuadre en distintas regiones de una red social.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 94-105
Author(s):  
Ruslan Seitkazin

Politicians are now learning that along with advertising on conventional media, they need to invest in online applications in order to get the attention of voters, particularly the youths. Among various microblogging services, Twitter is an essential part of popular culture. Today, Twitter is widely utilised not only to distribute information, but also political views and opinions.Therefore, politicians have turned to social media, particularly to Twitter, as a new form of political communication. The article attempts to capture the ways of using the potential of Twitter in communication strategies. It argues that in some occasions, Twitter plays a specific role in allowing politicians to monitor current political affairs and to interact with people, but in others, it is often employed as a personal branding strategy and not only during the election campaigns. It concludes with an insight that sentiment may impact the political opinion-making process which may lead to electoral intervention.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 228-236 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Castleton

This article discusses the relationship between technology and Inuit identity. Using interviews, it explores how a group of students from the Arctic College located in the community of Iqaluit in the Canadian Arctic, use the social network Facebook. It was found that in addition to an expected use of the social network associated with the script promoted by the technology, Inuit youth used Facebook to access content related to their identity in various groups, discuss sociocultural issues, and remember traditions. This article argues that Inuit identity is an example of how indigenous cultures have to be understood as something dynamic, constantly changing, for which information and communication technologies are fundamental. Furthermore, this article claims that rather than understanding Facebook as a tool that is adopted by Indigenous people—as previous literature tends to hold—the use of digital media should be conceived as part and parcel of identity.


Author(s):  
I.A. Yedoshina

For the first time, the book by V. V. Rozanov «When the Bosses Are Gone ...» (1910) is the subject to analyze. The article notes the specificity of the book (a collection of articles), which received a genre status in the Russian culture of the late 19th and early 20th centuries: the book contains both previously published articles and the ones, which were rejected by editors. In addition to the genre affiliation, other features of this book are revealed; the article summarizes and defines the development of the author’s political views on contemporary events in the country, which he welcomed and encouraged in his literary word; Rozanov’s historiosophy is analyzed. The author of the article commented on the compositional structure of the collection, revealed the semantic links between the articles, as well as the basis that unites them – the essence of «authorities» as a specific phenomenon of Russian life. The synonymous series of «bosses» is suggested: «bureaucracy», «government», «power». The article identifies the sources of the problems of the «bosses»: these are the works of N.A. Lyubimov and Vl.S. Soloviev, with which V.V. Rozanov conducts internal dialogue, representing the «bosses» as a part of the political life in the country of 1901 1906 and noting the weakening of the authoritarian position. The book’s artistic layout is analyzed, the sources of replica drawings on the cover and at the end of the collection are established, and the relationship between these drawings and the book’s content is revealed. It is particularly noted that already in 1914 V.V. Rozanov felt remorse about the publication of this book, and in 1917 he came to realize the catastrophic consequences of the events that he had once been so happy about.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-79
Author(s):  
Emily B. Carty

In a region where personalistic politics and charismatic leaders have long been a characteristic of the political landscape, there has been little research exploring the relationship between individuals’ identification with leaders and its relationship with political participation. Using original survey data from Argentina in 2016, the findings from this study demonstrate a few key points. Firstly, that identities form around political leaders and that identification plays an important role in political participation. Secondly, while personal identification with a leader is related with atomized and collective participation, the relationship between collective identification that is shared with other supporters of the political leader and both types of participation is even stronger. Additionally, these identification measures are more strongly associated with political action in support of a leader than frequently used variables such as partisan identification and ideology. This suggests that the study of political participation, especially in those contexts with more personalized political systems such as are often found in Latin America, should not ignore the role of personal and especially group leader-based identity.


Author(s):  
Alejandra Tirado-García ◽  
Hugo Doménech-Fabregat

In recent years, Instagram as a social network for photo exchange has become an important channel in the communication strategies of political actors at both the national and international level. This article studies Instagram from a differential perspective from previous studies by analyzing the strategic management of the photo-text binomial on this social network within the context of political communication. The methodological design of this research consists of a quantitative approach based on content analysis. Relying on a model of analysis developed by us, we revised three categories associated with the central parameters of the photographic image, the text, and their interrelationship during the campaign for the Spanish election of 28 April (dated between the 12 and 26 April 2019, both inclusive). The selection of this period is due to the belief that this is a key moment in the political sphere because it invoked great social interest and information consumption and, consequently, greater concern from the parties about the strategic communication of their political actions. The sample comprised 314 posts published by the five main Spanish parties and their respective leaders, candidates for the Government’s Presidency. The results reveal that complementarity dominates as the main form of interaction between the two components (image and text), albeit with a significant presence of problematic interaction types such as redundancy or independence. Despite the progressive professionalization of the political use of social networks, it was found that the potentially effective use of the verbal–icon tandem is not currently applied on Instagram as a strategic approach for political communication. Resumen En los últimos años la red social de intercambio fotográfico Instagram se ha convertido en un importante canal en las estrategias de comunicación de los actores políticos tanto del panorama nacional como internacional. Este artículo se aproxima al estudio de Instagram desde una perspectiva diferente con respecto a lo estudiado hasta la fecha: analizar la gestión estratégica del binomio imagen fotográfica-texto en esta red social en el contexto de la comunicación política. El diseño metodológico consta de una aproximación de naturaleza cuantitativa basada en el análisis de contenido. A partir de un modelo de análisis de elaboración propia, se han revisado tres categorías asociadas a los parámetros centrales de la imagen fotográfica, el texto y su interrelación durante la campaña electoral española del 28A (del 12 al 26 de abril de 2019, ambos inclusive). La selección de este período temporal se debe a que se trata de un momento que resulta clave en la esfera política al despertar un gran interés social y consumo informativo entre los ciudadanos y, en consecuencia, una mayor preocupación de los partidos por la comunicación estratégica de su acción política. Integran la muestra 314 posts publicados por los cinco principales partidos españoles y sus respectivos líderes, candidatos a la presidencia del Gobierno. Los resultados muestran que la complementariedad domina como principal forma de interacción entre ambos componentes (imagen-texto), si bien existe una presencia significativa de tipos de interacción problemáticos como la redundancia o la independencia. Pese a la progresiva profesionalización del uso político de la red social, se detecta que no se consigue un aprovechamiento potencialmente efectivo del tándem icono verbal en el uso de Instagram como vértice estratégico de comunicación política.


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