New and Emerging Religious Communities

Author(s):  
Patricia Wittberg

This chapter summarizes the trends revealed in CARA’s three directories of new and emerging religious communities in the United States, compiled in 1999, 2006, and 2017. Each directory listed Catholic communities and lay movements that were in good standing in their diocese, had at least three or four members, and had been founded and headquartered in the United States since 1965. The chapter describes the wide variations in membership criteria, in spiritual traditions, in community lifestyles, and in the ministries or apostolates the members perform. Trends in membership growth/decline and the community characteristics associated with attracting new members are also covered. The chapter concludes by outlining some implications of its findings.

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 237802312098511
Author(s):  
Samuel Stroope ◽  
Heather M. Rackin ◽  
Paul Froese

Previous research has shown that Christian nationalism is linked to nativism and immigrant animus, while religious service attendance is associated with pro-immigrant views. The findings highlight the importance of distinguishing between religious ideologies and practices when considering how religion affects politics. Using a national sample of U.S. adults, we analyze immigrant views by measuring levels of agreement or disagreement that undocumented immigrants from Mexico are “mostly dangerous criminals.” We find that Christian nationalism is inversely related to pro-immigrant views for both the religiously active and inactive. However, strongly pro-immigrant views are less likely and anti-immigrant views are more likely among strong Christian nationalists who are religiously inactive compared with strong Christian nationalists who are religiously active. These results illustrate how religious nationalism can weaken tolerance and heighten intolerance most noticeably when untethered from religious communities.


Author(s):  
Michael J. Broyde

This chapter surveys the contemporary landscape of religious arbitration in the United States by exploring how different religious communities utilize arbitration, how these processes differ from each other, and where various faith-based dispute resolution models fall within the broader ADR spectrum. It explores developments in Jewish, Christian, and Islamic arbitration in America over the last several decades, and discusses what internal concerns and external stimuli have spurred these changes. As such, this chapter reflects on why American Catholics have not moved in the same direction as some other religious groups, which have been eager to embrace the use of religious arbitration as a means of enabling their adherents to resolve ordinary secular conflicts in accordance with religious norms and values. Finally, this chapter will discuss the historical limitations of utilizing religious arbitration in many faiths and how some have evolved to embrace the practice.


2010 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Belinda McKay

Despite the current preoccupation with globalisation, literary criticism remains heavily focused on national cultures. In the context of Australian literature, comparisons are regularly made with the literatures of other British Commonwealth nations, but surprisingly infrequently with that of Britain's first and most successful colony, the United States. This article explores thematic and cultural connections between the work of American-born modernist poet and novelist H.D. (1886–1961) and the Australian-born postmodern novelist Janette Turner Hospital (born 1942). It suggests that the transnational phenomenon of ecstatic Protestantism, which originated in northern Europe and was disseminated widely around the globe along the channels of commerce and colonisation, has been a key influence in shaping the literary imaginations of these writers. Indeed, Protestantism – far from being a spent or reactive force – continues to generate new forms of modernity as its emphasis on transformation is exported from somewhat inward-looking religious communities into broader cultural domains.


2018 ◽  
Vol 112 ◽  
pp. 271-274
Author(s):  
Elizbeth Baltzan

The Trump administration has made no secret about its frustration with the World Trade Organization (WTO). Campaign rhetoric is being channeled into policy. The United States is single-handedly strangling the Appellate Body by blocking appointment of new members and complaining about those who are holding over past their terms. The latest WTO ministerial resulted in no deals. An administration that touts enforcement has largely eschewed filing WTO complaints. The president's imposition of duties pursuant to Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (Section 232) is a manifestation of deeper concerns with the asymmetry that was built into the global trading system—asymmetry the United States encouraged at the time. That asymmetry contributed to the U.S. status as the market of last resort: the destination of choice for excess production, with adverse consequences for domestic producers of similar goods.


1962 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 927-935 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amitai Etzioni

The application of several European Free Trade Association (EFTA) countries for membership in the Common Market (EEC) is viewed in Washington with great pleasure: the development of a United States of Europe is widely anticipated. Many observers have already calculated the combined manpower, economic resources, military power, etc. of the new union, and have pointed to the decisive advantage the United States, in coalition with this “third power,” will have over the Soviet Union. Even the fact that the EEC and EFTA, if completely merged, would have 13 members is not considered unlucky: after all, the United States itself evolved out of a union of 13. It may however, be premature to prepare a celebration for the birthday of the United States of Europe. The following theoretical excursion suggests that loading the EEC with new members may well reduce it to the level of a glorified customs union rather than forward it to a political federation. Moreover, I shall argue, political communities often unify not by increasing their membership, but in a dialectic fashion: two or more groups form; they appear to be moving in opposite directions until each is well integrated, then they are “synthesized” (not merged) in a superior union. That is, they form one encompassing union without dissolving the bonds that held together the units that composed a group before the larger unification. The earlier autonomous groups become sub-groups in one union, adjusting to the new over-riding bond without being fused into one group that knows no internal divisions.


Author(s):  
Claudine Kuradusenge-McLeod

Abstract This article explores the stories of African and African American scholars in predominantly white institutions. It sheds light on the challenges of underrepresentation, sexism, and racial identity in an area of white fragility: academia. The lack of representation among International Studies scholars in the United States and Europe has not only had an impact on academia, but has also put heavy pressure on minority scholars, since they are often asked, by their institutions and students, to advise and mentor students who too often feel out of place or misunderstood by the faculty available to them. Therefore, it is imperative that we embrace minority faculty members, whether they are from the United States, Europe, or the Global South. Using narrative analysis, I examine conversations that I had with thirteen Black women who work at prestigious white universities and ten students who took classes with at least one Black, female professor. Although our field has expanded and accepted new members, many minority scholars still see it as a very selective, almost all Western, boys’ club.


Author(s):  
J. Tobin Grant

Though church and state are constitutionally separated, religion and politics are often intertwined. As Alexis de Tocqueville wrote in his classic Democracy in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011), the nation is both highly religious and unapologetically democratic. Some of the most effective political movements in the US political development included the active involvement of churches and religious communities. One reason is that churches and other religious communities in the United States often encourage civic engagement. Civic engagement is a broad concept that includes any activity aimed at changing society, government, or policy. Education and psychology often focus on civic activities such as volunteering or participating in a nonprofit organization. Political science and sociology often use the term “civic engagement” more narrowly to mean “political participation.” This would include activities whose aim is to affect political outcomes. Political participation includes voting, persuading others to vote, campaign contributions, working for a campaign, contacting or lobbying public officials, and protesting. A consistent empirical finding in the study of religion and civic life is that those who are involved in religion are more likely to be more civically engaged as voters, volunteers, and activists. Churches and other religious communities can become active as organizations. They can also increase the civic engagement of their adherents by mobilizing them, providing the skills to participate, or fostering democratic values. Political parties and candidates target religious voters to bring them into the political process. Studies of religion and civic engagement continue to examine the many ways religion affects civic engagement in the United States.


2008 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-133
Author(s):  
David Johnston

Freedom and Orthodoxy is a brilliant apology for dismantling the hegemonicand false pretensions of western universalisms in favor of a world inwhich local groups (e.g., religious communities, regions, and nations) areallowed to construe their own strategies for cultural, political, and economicflourishing. A Moroccan intellectual teaching in the United States(chair of the Department of English, University of NewEngland) and a leadingyoung cultural critic who writes in a lucid and often elegant Englishprose,AnouarMajid’s French cultural background also shines through, judgingby his abundant use of French sources (though not one in Arabic).Building on his previous book, Unveiling Traditions: Postcolonial Islamin a Polycentric World (Duke University Press: 2000), Majid expands anddeepens his historical and philosophical analysis, exhorts both Muslims andwesterners to search their souls, remove the roots of their own cherished certaintiesthat exclude the Other (i.e., fundamentalisms), and engage in the pathof creative dialog. Yet as the book unfolds, it turns out that over 90 percent ofthe material relates to the western universalisms born of the Renaissance andthe Enlightenment – ideals that, in fact, cannot be separated from the historicalrealities of the Reconquista, the Spanish conquest of Latin America, theAnglo-American colonization of North America, and the subsequent genocideof the native population. Even the revolutionary ideals of the Americanand French revolutions, however universal the reach of freedom and humanrights might have been in theory, came to be wedded to a capitalist ideologythat has, in the postcolonial era, become an economic and cultural steamroller,a globalization process that consolidates western hegemony andimposes its secular and consumerist values on the non-western world.Besides the already heavy toll in human suffering,Majid argues that fargreater clashes loom on the horizon if this scenario continues. This bringsus to the remaining 10 percent of his book: although Muslims must takeresponsibility for their own extremists and find ways to reinterpret the traditionalShari`ah in a polycentric world, nevertheless, contemporaryIslamic militancy should be seen as an offshoot of “the triumph of capitalismand its ongoing legacy of conquest” (pp. 213-14). Hence, most of thebook unveils what he has coined “the post-Andalusian paradigm,” or the ...


2021 ◽  
Vol 38 (1-2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rafiqur Rahman

The United States may be the most racially diverse and religiously pluralistic nation-state today. However, it is also arguably the most societally biased, one where many religious communities are frequently divided along distinct lines predicated upon race, color, ethnicity, and faith tradition. The sociohistorical displacement and dissemination of Islamic power away from indigenous African American Muslims to the newly disembarked post-1965 immigrant Muslims underscore the nascent religio-racial origins of how Islamic identity, membership, community, and consciousness within America has now become unusually conflated with race, culture, and ethnicity within our nation’s social imaginary. That is, what it contextually means to be a Muslim in the United States has now become a highly contested, problematic, and racialized category within American Islam—a segregated Islamic reality and existence that is being renegotiated and challenged by modern-day Black Muslims dissatisfied with their oppressed, marginalized and subaltern condition as Muslim Americans within the umma.


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