The Partisan Politics of Law and Order: Past, Present and Future

Author(s):  
Georg Wenzelburger

Chapter 7 summarizes the main findings of the book and links them to the existing literature. It emphasizes the importance of putting political parties center stage when analyzing law and order policies. The chapter concludes by discussing three scenarios on how law and order policies may develop given the recent changes in political systems in Western democracies.

Author(s):  
Anika Gauja

This chapter charts the evolution of Australian political parties and analyses the characteristics of Australian partisan politics, which are constantly evolving to balance the pragmatism of electoral politics with demands for effective representation and participation. The chapter highlights what is both similar and distinctive about Australian parties in comparative perspective, explores the influence of ideas from other political systems, and reflects on how Australian political culture, institutions, and parties have evolved in symbiosis. It examines changes in the nature of the party system and within parties as organizations, and contemplates the future of political parties as actors in Australian politics. As political parties worldwide continue to face rising levels of public disaffection with formal political institutions and rapidly changing technologies, the evolutionary trajectory of parties in Australia is becoming increasingly complex.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1/2020) ◽  
pp. 109-124
Author(s):  
Dejan Bursac

The study is designed to empirically test the effects which different ruling party ideologies have on spending for public order and safety budget component in Central and Eastern European countries. The transitional environment and especially post-Cold War security context have altered the concept of security in former socialist societies. Our assumption, based not just on theoretical concepts of left and right ideologies, but also on studies examining this matter in more developed Western democracies, was that right-leaning cabinets will have higher levels of budget consumption for law and order than leftist governments. The empirical model confirmed this hypothesis, albeit only partially. A number of other political, economic, and contextual variables connected with transitional setting, which usually have effect on general levels of spending or certain budget areas, have demonstrated a low significance when comes to law and order spending.


Author(s):  
Sidney M. Milkis

This chapter examines the wayward path of Progressivism from Roosevelt's Bull Moose campaign to the Obama presidency. Committed to “pure democracy,” many early-twentieth-century reformers hoped to sweep away intermediary organizations like political parties. In their disdain for partisan politics and their enthusiasm for good government, they sought to fashion the Progressive Party as a party to end parties. However, the Progressives failed in that ambition, and their shortfall has had profound effects on contemporary government and politics. By transforming rather than transcending parties, they fostered a kindred, though bastardized, alternative: executive-centered partisanship. The transformation of parties set in motion by the Progressives has subjected both Progressivism and conservatism to an executive-centered democracy that subordinates “collective responsibility” to the needs of presidential candidates and incumbents.


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (5) ◽  
pp. 594-604 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier Astudillo ◽  
Klaus Detterbeck

In many Western democracies, political parties have started to open to members the selection of their leaders. While most studies focus on the introduction of this new selection method, its subsequent practice is still understudied. The article contributes to our still limited knowledge of this process by looking at two multilevel countries, Germany and Spain, where the mainstream parties have sometimes organized membership ballots, especially at the regional level, for leadership selection. Thanks to two original databases on party conferences and membership ballots, the article analyzes the background of this process and reviews the most common explanations offered by the literature. It shows that they are not held when parties want to regain power, or party chairs seek their nomination, as commonly believed, but when there are intraparty leadership disputes.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Fabio Wolkenstein

In addition to summarizing the book’s main themes as described, this Introduction places special emphasis on connecting the problem animating the book—the apparent incapacity of contemporary parties to mediate between citizens and the state—to current political developments in established Western democracies, showing that the issues the book addresses are not only of academic interest but also directly relevant to ongoing public debates about the state and health of representative democracy. Chief amongst the themes foregrounded here is the rise of so-called ‘populist’ parties on the left and right of the political spectrum, as well as the re-branding of established political actors as ‘movements’ (think, e.g. of Emmanuel Macron’s La République en Marche). These phenomena are interpreted as part of a larger ‘revolt against intermediary bodies’—meaning first and foremost a rebellion against political parties. The Introduction suggests that this ‘revolt’ brings with it only a temporary shift in how representative politics looks, without actually reversing the disconnect between parties and voters or compelling established political parties to give up their privileges and de-colonize the institutions of the state. This argument sets the stage for the book’s core contention that more thought has to be put into finding ways to reconnect political parties with society.


2019 ◽  
Vol 45 (9-10) ◽  
pp. 1084-1105
Author(s):  
Jean L. Cohen

This article focuses on the relationship between social movements and political parties in the context of populist challenges to constitutional democracy. There are many reasons for the current plight of democracy but I focus here on one aspect: the decline of mainstream political parties, the emergence of new forms of populist movement parties and the general crisis of political representation in long consolidated Western democracies. This article analyses the specific political logic and dynamics of social movements – the logic of influence, and distinguishes it from that of political parties – the logic of power. It addresses transformations in movements, parties and their relationships. It looks at the shifts in movement and party types that constitute the political opportunity structure for the emergence of new populist movement party forms and relationships, focusing on the hollowing out and movement-ization of political parties. Contemporary populist movement parties are not the cause of the hollowing out or movement-ization of political parties. Rather they are a response to the crisis of political representation exemplified by hollow parties and cartel parties. But it is my thesis that thanks to its specific logic, populism fosters the worst version of movement party relationships, undermining the democratic functions of both.


2013 ◽  
Vol 411-414 ◽  
pp. 2200-2207
Author(s):  
Alam S.M. Jahangir ◽  
Guo Qing Hu ◽  
M. Rabiul Alam ◽  
Rajib Baran Roy ◽  
Md. Golam Kibria

Interoperability is a key issue in implementing an e-Government system. Grid Computing based service for interoperability (e-Gov Grid Computing) could be a solution for resource sharing and interoperability of e-Gov systems. The main objective of this paper is to develop an e-Gov Grid Computing Model through e-Gov policy in Bangladesh in order to ensure good governance. The necessary reformation which are required for implementation of ICT Grid Computing system for e-Government are administrative reform for governmental and non-governmental organizations for ensuring transparency and accountability, economic and financial systems reform, politics and political parties reform, planning and policy reform, judicial reform, reform in organizations engaged in ensuring law and order.


1975 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Finn Fuglestad

The institutional framework imposed upon Niger in 1946, tended to function according to traditional political concepts, norms, notions and values. Hence the distinction established in this paper between ‘traditionalist’ (UNIS/BNA) and ‘modern’ political parties, refers to the degree of reliance upon this traditional culture and also to the degree to which party-leaders were able to manipulate the norms, notions, etc., of the traditional political systems, in order to gain influence within the new institutional framework. The French Administration, functioning largely as an indigenous chieftaincy, was to a certain extent forced to interfere in politics, since an electoral victory for a ‘modern’ political party (i.e. the évolués) would have to be interpreted—according to the logic of traditional political theory—as a loss of the ‘force’, ‘power’ or ‘luck’, without which the French could no longer be regarded as the legitimate rulers of Niger.If the French finally decided to collaborate with the évolués (and in the process disentangled themselves from the ‘chieftaincy-model’), it was because the évolués constituted the only group capable of grasping the intricate problems of economic development and of running a modern state.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Laura Chaqués-Bonafont ◽  
Camilo Cristancho ◽  
Luz Muñoz-Márquez ◽  
Leire Rincón

Abstract This article examines the conditions under which interest groups interact with political parties. Existing research finds that interest group–political party interactions in most western democracies have become more open and contingent over time. The close ideological and formal organisational ties that once characterised these relations have gradually been replaced by alternative, more pragmatic forms of cooperation. However, most of this research stresses the importance of the structural factors underpinning these links over time and across countries, but sheds little light on the factors driving short-term interest group–party interactions. Here, by drawing on survey data on Spanish interest groups obtained between December 2016 and May 2017, this article seeks to fill this gap by taking into account party status, issue salience and a group’s resources as explanatory variables. It shows that mainstream parties are the primary targets of interest groups, that groups dealing with salient issues are more likely to contact political parties and that the groups with most resources interact with a larger number of parties.


2020 ◽  
Vol 164 ◽  
pp. 11036
Author(s):  
Igor Andreev

The report highlights the little-explored aspects of the Russian liberal theory of political parties in the second half of the XIX – 30s of the XX centuries: the stages of its development, the philosophical foundations, and the innovative ideas of its main representatives. Analyzing the works of Russian liberal thinkers, the author used the methods of philosophical research, as well as approaches used in historical and political sciences, and also general scientific methods, such as logical and classification methods. The author distinguishes three stages in the development of the Russian liberal theory of political parties in this period: 1) 1858-1889; 2) 1889-1917); 3) 1917-1930s, which differ by subject of study (Russian or Western parties) and research tasks (preparing the conditions for the transition from authoritarianism to democracy or fighting against the totalitarian Communist system). The author notes the heterogeneity of the philosophical foundations of the Russian liberal theory of political parties, which included neo-Hegelianism, positivism, and even elements of Marxism. Among the most important achievements of Russian liberals, the author notes the study of the social nature and functions of party elites (Ostrogorski) and determining the place and role of the ruling parties in authoritarian and totalitarian political systems (Chicherin, Miliukov).


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