Rationalizing the Catholic System

Author(s):  
Philip Gleason

Catholic colleges reacted as individual institutions to the turn-of-the-century challenge, but there was also a collective dimension to their response. It is most directly observable in the activities of the Catholic Educational Association (CEA) and in self-studies undertaken by the Jesuits. It is also extremely revealing, for here we can observe Catholic educators taking counsel together, informing themselves of current developments, and forging the conceptual and organizational tools they needed to bring their institutions more nearly into line with ongoing developments in American higher education. We shall look first at the CEA, but to appreciate its significance we must begin by reviewing the reasons for the fragmentation that put Austin O’Malley in mind of a boiler explosion, and caused Bishop John Lancaster Spalding to exclaim: “We Catholics are united in the faith, but are infinitely disunited in almost everything else. The Lord have mercy on us! We want some point of union.” The disunity that plagued Catholic educators as the new century opened did not arise from ethnic diversity or ideological cleavages, although both were significant features of the larger Catholic scene. Their basic problem was structural, and its key element was the existence in Catholic education of two overlapping, but largely autonomous, chains of command: the episcopal, centered in the bishop of the diocese (known technically as the “ordinary”); and that of the religious community. Reinforcing the disjunctive tendency inherent in this parallel authority structure was an ecclesiastical localism that left each ordinary without effective supervision from higher authority, and made each religious community a kind of realm unto itself. A cursory sketch of the Catholic educational scene will suggest why these circumstances made it so difficult to coordinate all the elements involved. Catholic elementary education was carried on under the authority and supervision of the bishops, but the parochial schools—of which there were in 1900 about 3800, enrolling upwards of 900,000 students—were staffed almost exclusively by nuns. A community of teaching sisters (and there were scores of them) might or might not be under the direct ecclesiastical authority of the bishop.

Author(s):  
Marc-William Palen

Most comparative studies of the British and American empires focus on the pre-1945 British Empire and the post-1945 American Empire. The tendency to avoid contemporaneous studies of the two empires suggests that there may be more differences than similarities between them, particularly when examining their imperial trade policies from the mid-nineteenth to mid-twentieth century. For those studies attempting such comparisons, the so-called Open Door Empire of the United States is commonly depicted as having copied the free-trade imperial policies of its estranged motherland by the turn of the century. Such studies then assert that these imitative imperial policies reached new Anglo-Saxonist heights following US colonial Caribbean and Pacific acquisitions from the Spanish Empire in 1898, followed closely by the fin-de-siècle Anglo-American ‘Great Rapprochement’. This chapter challenges this imitative imperial narrative by bringing to light the contrasting ways in which the American Empire grew in the shadow of the British Empire.


Author(s):  
Philip Gleason

A great many Catholic colleges existed in the United States at the opening of the twentieth century. Exactly how many it is impossible to say with certainty because any answer presupposes agreement on the answer to a prior question: “What should be counted as a college?” The Catholic Directory for 1900 listed 10 universities, 178 “colleges for boys,” 109 seminaries, and 662 “academies for girls.” According to this count, there were no Catholic women’s colleges at that time, although the College of Notre Dame of Maryland graduated its first baccalaureate class in 1899 and is included among the 128 colleges for women listed in U.S. Commissioner of Education’s Report for 1899-1900. The same Report, however, listed only 62 Catholic institutions among the 480 included under the heading: “Universities and colleges for men and for both sexes.” No doubt some Catholic colleges simply failed to provide the information necessary to appear in the Commissioner’s Report. But their failure to do so is in itself significant; and even assuming that is what happened, it still leaves an enormous gap between the Commissioner’s figures and the 188 colleges and universities reported in the Catholic Directory. Moreover, many of the “colleges for boys” could, with equal justice, have been called academies, since elementary- and secondary-level students made up the majority of their student bodies. As the case of Notre Dame of Maryland indicates, Catholic “academies for girls” were beginning to upgrade themselves to collegiate status. Had the word college been more freely applied to non-Catholic institutions for women at an earlier date, a good many of these academies would probably have called themselves colleges long before, for they did not differ all that much from the “colleges for boys” in terms of curricular offerings and age-range of students. While the situation of Catholic institutions was particularly murky, the question “What makes a college a college?” engaged the attention of practically everyone involved in secondary and collegiate education at the turn of the century.


Itinerario ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-86
Author(s):  
A.B. Lapian

The changing cultural climate in Indonesia at the turn of the century can be demonstrated by the story of a young man, Achmad, who graduated from a Dutch senior high school (HBS) in 1899. He was the first native student to pass the final exams at the highest institution of learning (there was none at university level at the time) in Batavia, the capital of the Netherlands East Indies. Another young man had completed the same type of education in Semarang, Central Java, the year before. They belonged to the first generation of Indonesians schooled in Western ideas and thoughts. Indeed Western types of elementary education and teacher training school existed in other parts of the archipelago, but most of them taught in Malay or in the vernacular. Dutch-language schools at a ‘European’ level were reserved for the white section of the colonial society.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 341
Author(s):  
Linda Aulia Rahmah ◽  
Asep Amaludin

AbstrakModerasi Agama di Indonesia menjadi salah satu indikator yang penting dan dijadikan sebagai cara pandang (perspektif) dalam seluruh praktik kehidupan beragama sebab Indonesia memiliki berbagai macam keragaman, yaitu keragaman budaya, keragaman  keyakinan (agama), keragaman suku, ras dan budaya. Dalam kehidupan bermasyarakat, interaksi sosial sangat diperlukan untuk mewujudkan kerukunan antar umat beragama dengan saling bergotong royong. Dengan cara inilah masing-masing umat beragama dapat saling menghormati, menerima perbedaan, serta hidup berdampingan dengan aman dan tentram. Dalam konteks toleransi antar umat beragama, Islam memiliki konsep yang sangat jelas yaitu “Tidak ada paksaan dalam agama, bagiku agamaku dan bagimu agamamu”. Hal ini merupakan contoh populer toleransi dalam agama Islam. Untuk mewujudkan toleransi tersebut dapat diwujudkan dengan membina tiga kerukunan hidup beragama, yaitu kerukunan intern umat beragama, kerukunan antar umat beragama, dan kerukunan antar umat beragama dengan pemerintah. Kegiatan pengabdian masyarakat dilakukan karena kurangnya pemahaman yang mengarah pada masyarakat umum, yang  relatif  rendahnya pengetahuan mengenai keagamaan di dalam masyarakat. Maka sikap moderasi beragama dengan menerapkan sikap toleransi perlu dibangun kepada masyarakat sebagai suatu pengakuan atas keberadaan pihak lain sebagai  sikap menghormati adanya berbagai macam perbedaan. Perbedaan agama didalam masyarakat  inilah yang menjadikan alasan untuk tidak saling menyakiti dan menghakimi justru saling mempersatukan. Metode ini menggunakan tahap wawancara yang dapat digunakan dalam bentuk wawancara secara langsung dengan beberapa  narasumber. Dokumentasi yang dimaksud merupakan suatu usaha dari berbagai pengumpulan data yang di dapat dengan cara mengumpulkan hasil dari dokumen-dokumen yang bersangkutan dengan penelitian yang dilakukan oleh penulis. Dalam metode dokumentasi ini telah dilakukan untuk memperoleh data mengenai keadaan tempat lokasi yang diteliti baik dari segi geografis, keagamaan, tradisi, dan keadaan penduduk yang terdapat di Desa Gentasari.Hasil dari kegiatan yaitu, terlaksananya pengajin sesuai dengan tema Kuliah Kerja Nyata di Desa Gentasari, serta mengetahui toleransi dan interaksi yang ada di Desa Gentasari. Kata Kunci: Moderasi Agama, Interaksi Sosial, ToleransiAbstractModeration of religion in Indonesia is an important indicator and is used as a perspective (perspective) in all practices of religious life because Indonesia has various kinds of diversity, namely cultural diversity, diversity of beliefs (religion), ethnic diversity, race and culture. In social life, social interaction is needed to create inter-religious harmony by working together. In this way, each religious community can respect each other, accept differences, and live side by side in a safe and peaceful way. In the context of inter-religious tolerance, Islam has a very clear concept, namely "There is no compulsion in religion, for me it is my religion and for you your religion". This is a popular example of tolerance in Islam. To realize this tolerance, it can be realized by fostering three religious harmony, namely internal harmony between religious communities, inter-religious harmony, and inter-religious harmony with the government. Community service activities are carried out due to a lack of understanding that leads to the general public, which is relatively low in knowledge about religion in society. So the attitude of religious moderation by applying an attitude of tolerance needs to be built to the community as an acknowledgment of the existence of other parties as an attitude of respect for various kinds of differences. Religious differences in society are what make the reasons not to hurt each other and judge each other to unite each other. This method uses the interview stage which can be used in the form of direct interviews with several sources. The documentation in question is an effort from various data collections that can be obtained by collecting the results of the documents concerned with the research conducted by the author. In this documentation method, it has been carried out to obtain data regarding the condition of the locations studied both in terms of geography, religion, tradition, and the condition of the population in Gentasari Village, and knowing the tolerance and interaction in Gentasari Village.Key Word: Religious Moderation, Social Interaction, Tolerance


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kerri Trombley

Stanton, Brandon. Little humans. New York, NY: Farrar Straus Giroux Books for Young Readers, 2014. PrintFrom the creator of Humans of New York, comes the most dynamic, colourful and diverse group of little people of New York City. Brandon Stanton’s ability to capture the unique personalities of his subjects and “tell” a story through pictures is both captivating and brilliantly vivid. The ‘Little Humans’ are shown throughout the book in bright close-ups and even brighter clothing. Each page is filled in entirely with a close-up photograph of a child in different situations. Cultural diversity and differences are prominent in the photographs, but the text tackles the sameness we all share.“Little humans can be tough…but not too tough to need a hug.”Set against New York City streets, Little Humans embodies the ethnic diversity of the people of NYC. The text is limited, but has themes of resiliency, strength, identity and character woven throughout. Stanton writes of how little people are strong, talented and helpful.The story itself could have been written with more depth; however, the lack of narrative allows the reader to engage with the photographs and imagine the story of each unique person that is highlighted.Highly Recommended: 4 out of 4 starsReviewer: Kerri TrombleyKerri Trombley is a Vice Principal with Sturgeon School Division and is currently completing her Master’s Degree in Elementary Education at the University of Alberta. She shares her love of literature with all of her students.


Author(s):  
Willem Frijhoff

Like other Catholic communities in Protestant jurisdictions, the Dutch had their own early modern collegial network. The early modern Dutch state is commonly known as a Protestant bulwark from which the Catholics were by and large expelled. However, due to the efforts of the Catholic Reformation and the reluctance of many Dutch to embrace Calvinism in its orthodox variety, Dutch Catholicism managed to survive on a rather large scale, though often with a particular colour marked by lay power and imbued with Jansenism, a rigid variety of Catholic theology rather similar to orthodox Calvinism. Whereas Catholic elementary education continued to be provided in private schools, Catholic colleges and universities, as public institutions, were not allowed in the Dutch Republic. During two centuries Dutch Catholics, at least the militant among them, had to go abroad for their secondary and higher education. Foreign colleges played a major role in their education and intellectual debates: the Dutch colleges of Cologne, Dole, Douai and Rome remained faithful to the Old Church, whereas those of close-by Louvain were the breeding-ground of Jansenism. Significant numbers of Dutch students went to other Catholic universities, at Reims in France, at Pont-à-Mousson in Lorraine, or at different German universities. The Jansenist schism of 1723 led to the creation of the Old Catholic Church with its own college at home, at Amersfoort, tolerated by the Dutch authorities. The scale of the Catholic communities posed a multi-confessional challenge for the Dutch. This was overcome by a high level of official connivance, permitting the tacit creation of Catholic teaching institutions on a private basis, including some small colleges, and the organization of Catholic confraternities at the public universities. Similarly, the Calvinist ‘regents’ mostly closed their eyes to the stream of Catholic students towards foreign colleges in spite of their repeated interdiction by the States-General. This essay will look at four educational strategies adopted by Dutch Catholics to ensure their survival as a confessional community.


Author(s):  
David A. Bello

The Manchu rulers of the Qing dynasty (1644–1912), China’s last, ruled an ethnic diversity of peoples throughout both Inner Asia and China proper. In the process, networks of environmental relationships were formed across Mongolian steppes, Tibetan and Southeast Asian highlands, Manchurian forests, and alluvial plains in the empire’s core, China proper. The dynasty’s main environmental efforts were devoted to the lowland agrarian concentration of water and grain. Yet the empire’s sheer extent also required management of agro-pastoral, pastoral, foraging, and swiddening relations—pursued under conditions of global cooling in the Northern Hemisphere, known as the Little Ice Age. Mineral inputs from foreign and domestic sources, as well as New World crops, were critical not only for the dynasty’s material development, but also entailed debilitating costs—most particularly deforestation and soil erosion. As it adapted to dynamic demographic and ecological conditions, the dynasty developed many structures for the maintenance and resiliency of its environmental relations, which included existential interactions with select animals and plants, to produce the world’s largest population of its time. The Qing achievement can be evaluated differently according to timescales and wide-ranging criteria that transcend crude Malthusian parameters. However, its political and demographic accomplishments must be qualified from an environmental perspective in light of the mid-19th-century breakdown of many of its environmental networks that directly contributed to its demise and that of the 2,000-year-old imperial system.


2017 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-104
Author(s):  
Isolde Thyrêt

This article explores how Nektarii, the third archbishop of Siberia and Tobolsk (1636–1640), contributed to the creation of a lasting Russian Orthodox community in his diocese by manipulating traditional Muscovite social rituals and the Russian Orthodox practice of venerating miracle-working icons. Challenging the traditional view that the conversion of Siberia was guided primarily by Muscovite imperial policy, Thyrêt instead focuses on local religious developments that were initiated by the Siberian hierarch in order to deal with obstreperous government officials and the unruly flock of his border diocese. The article shows how Nektarii creatively established his ecclesiastical authority in Tobolsk and laid the foundation for a community following a regulated Christian life in Siberia by connecting his arrival in Tobolsk with an impressive ceremonial entrance that was styled after royal welcoming rituals and by engineering the cult of the first Siberian miracle-working icon, the image of the Virgin of Abalak.


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