Libya, a Multinational State?

2020 ◽  
pp. 59-78
Author(s):  
Luis Martinez
Keyword(s):  
Social Ties ◽  
The State ◽  
State Collapse ◽  
Territorial Unity

Chapter Four entitled “Libya, a Multinational State?” analyses state collapse in Libya after the war to bring down the Qadhafi regime. Unlike Tunisia, Libya has been unable to achieve a democratic compromise. On the contrary, the demise of Qadhafi’s regime brought to light the historical rifts in the Libyan state. Its implosion into several different regional and tribal entities indicates the weakness of social ties. Under the Qadhafi regime, the state was continually undermined by the tribes and militias. The state’s under developed resources were never used to produce national cohesion and territorial unity.

The “Impossible State”

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex J. Bellamy
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
State Policy ◽  
North Korea ◽  
The State ◽  
Regional Trend ◽  
State Collapse ◽  
Power Politics ◽  
Massive Scale ◽  
Contemporary Situation

This is the first of two chapters to examine states that have bucked the regional trend. North Korea stands out as the only state in East Asia that continues to employ mass atrocities as a matter of state policy. This chapter explains why the forces that promoted peace in other parts of the region (state consolidation and responsibility, the developmental trading state, habits of multilateralism, and power politics) failed to achieve the same effects in these two countries. It then looks at the contemporary situation to ascertain the prospects for reform and the likelihood of future reductions in the incidence of mass atrocities. It finds that the state relies on mass coercion to maintain itself in power and that there is little prospect of imminent reform, whilst state collapse remains a viable possibility that could precipitate mass atrocities on a massive scale.

Présence évangélique au Liban, enjeux socio-politiques et culturels d’un engagement multiforme

2013 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 204-217
Author(s):  
Fatiha Kaouès
Keyword(s):  
Social Ties ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Communities ◽  
Public Order ◽  
Development Projects ◽  
Weak State ◽  
Definition Of

Fatiha Kaouès focuses on evangelical activities in Lebanon, where religious communities are the foundation of public order rather than the State and each denomination has its own social and economic network. This raises the question as to the definition of citizenship and the construction of social ties in the context of a strong religious communitarianism and a weak state. This paper considers a few development projects supported by evangelical movements and the various frameworks, limits and challenges of their activities in Lebanon.

When Citizens in Authoritarian States Use Facebook for Social Ties but Not Political Participation

2017 ◽  
pp. 192-214
Author(s):  
Wairagala Wakabi
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Social Networking ◽  
Social Networking Sites ◽  
Internet Use ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Social Ties ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
The State ◽  
Civic Skills ◽  
Western Democracies

Numerous researchers have found a correlation between citizens' use of social networking sites (SNS) like Facebook and their likelihood for eParticipation. However, SNS use does not have the same effect on all citizens' political engagement. In authoritarian countries, Facebook offers a platform for citizens to challenge the power of the state, provide alternative narratives and mobilise for political change. This chapter examines how using Facebook affects the participative behaviours of Ugandans and concludes that in low internet use, authoritarian contexts, the Civic Voluntarism Model's postulation of the factors that explain political participation, and the benefits Facebook brings to participation in Western democracies, are upended. Overwhelming detachment from politics, low belief in citizens' online actions influencing change and fear of reprisals for criticising an authoritarian president in power for 30 years, severely dulled the appetite for eParticipation. Hence, Facebook was growing citizens' civic skills but hardly increasing online participation.

Remedying the Legacy of State Collapse

2019 ◽  
pp. 61-70
Author(s):  
Lidwien Kapteijns
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Break Line ◽  
The State ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
National Politics ◽  
State Collapse ◽  
Major Break ◽  
The Military ◽  
Peace And Reconciliation ◽  
Cover Up

This chapter discusses why the campaign of clan cleansing of 1991–1992 was a key shift in the Somali civil war and remains the major break-line underlying Somali national politics today. It then lays out three principles that might help avoid simply redrawing the lines along which the civil war was fought, and concludes with recommendations for three tangible steps towards peace and reconciliation. At the heart of the mistrust and mutual rejection in Somalia today lie the actions of former leaders of the United Somali Congress and Somali National Movement, who resorted to clan-based killings and expulsions in order to cover up their past complicity with the military regime; spun false clan histories to rebrand themselves as heroic leaders of their clans; and then tried to establish authority over parts of the state and country in the name of clan.

Youth and 'The Movement' – Social Life in a Rural District of Buryatia

Inner Asia ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-95
Author(s):  
Anatoliy Breslavsky
Keyword(s):  
Social Life ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Social Reality ◽  
The State ◽  
Rural District ◽  
Economic Environment ◽  
Eastern Siberia ◽  
Criminal Networks ◽  
State Collapse ◽  
The Social

AbstractThis article describes the development of criminal youth networks in rural Buryatia, Eastern Siberia. As it shows, the criminal gangs emerging out of the state collapse in the 1990s have colonised entire villages: a movement originally offering escape from a harsh economic environment has acquired the power to dictate the social reality of the regions it occupies. This piece also investigates the extent to which the practices mediating power relations within these criminal networks generate a distinct subculture, using Huizinga's analysis of culture as a 'game', which has to be 'played out' according to mutually understood conventions and norms.

scholarly journals Salvador e sua região metropolitana: mudanças recentes, conflitos e perspectivas institucionais

GeoTextos ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sylvio Bandeira de Mello e Silva ◽  
Barbara-Christine Nentwig Silva ◽  
Maina Pirajá Silva
Keyword(s):  
Urban Planning ◽  
State Government ◽  
Its Region ◽  
The State ◽  
Metropolitan Region ◽  
Metropolitan Planning ◽  
Administrative Governance ◽  
Territorial Unity ◽  
Research Studies

O trabalho tem como objetivo analisar como evoluiu recentemente uma tradicional metrópole brasileira, Salvador, e sua região metropolitana, tomadas como exemplo em função de sua particular relevância histórica e geográfica no contexto nacional. A pesquisa estuda os desafios enfrentados por Salvador e sua região, como decorrência dos desequilíbrios e dos graves problemas urbanos e metropolitanos, que são resultados, principalmente, dos frágeis instrumentos de planejamento urbano que deveriam estar integrados em um planejamento metropolitano, que hoje é inexistente. Os atuais conflitos políticos e judiciais entre o Governo do Estado e a Prefeitura de Salvador, agora colocados diante do Estatuto da Metrópole, são igualmente analisados. Por conseguinte, o trabalho aponta as perspectivas para enfrentar esses desafios, o que deve ser feito de forma integrada, com todos os municípios formando uma só unidade territorial de governança sociopolítica, econômica e administrativa, com capacidade de enfrentar seus problemas e planejar seu futuro. Abstract SALVADOR AND ITS METROPOLITAN REGION: RECENT CHANGES, CONFLICTS AND INSTITUCIONALS PERSPECTIVES This paper has as objective the analysis of the recent evolution of a traditional Brazilian metropolis, Salvador and its metropolitan region, taken as an example considering its particular historical and geographical relevance. The research studies the challenges faced by Salvador and its region mainly as a result of the week instruments of urban planning that should be integrated in a metropolitan planning not existing until now. The current political and judicial conflicts between the State Government of Bahia and the Municipality of Salvador are also analyzed, together with the recent law of Estatuto da Metrópole (Law of Metropolis). As a result, the study shows the perspectives to face the challenges, which must be done in an integrated manner with all municipalities forming a single territorial unity of sociopolitical, economical and administrative governance capable of facing their problems and plan their future.

When Citizens in Authoritarian States Use Facebook for Social Ties but Not Political Participation

2019 ◽  
pp. 1143-1165
Author(s):  
Wairagala Wakabi
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Social Networking ◽  
Social Networking Sites ◽  
Internet Use ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Social Ties ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
The State ◽  
Civic Skills ◽  
Western Democracies

Numerous researchers have found a correlation between citizens' use of social networking sites (SNS) like Facebook and their likelihood for eParticipation. However, SNS use does not have the same effect on all citizens' political engagement. In authoritarian countries, Facebook offers a platform for citizens to challenge the power of the state, provide alternative narratives and mobilise for political change. This chapter examines how using Facebook affects the participative behaviours of Ugandans and concludes that in low internet use, authoritarian contexts, the Civic Voluntarism Model's postulation of the factors that explain political participation, and the benefits Facebook brings to participation in Western democracies, are upended. Overwhelming detachment from politics, low belief in citizens' online actions influencing change and fear of reprisals for criticising an authoritarian president in power for 30 years, severely dulled the appetite for eParticipation. Hence, Facebook was growing citizens' civic skills but hardly increasing online participation.

Reminding Myself That I Am a Jew

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shari Rabin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Ties ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Mutual Aid ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Congregational Identity ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Worship Services ◽  
Literary Societies

Jewish migrants to the United States reveled in their ability to move, but also struggled to adapt to the distinctive social and economic relations of the United States, which was a “world of strangers.” This chapter shows how Jews created a wide range of social ties and institutions—not just congregations—in search of stability, trust, and identity. They entered into friendships and voluntary societies with non-Jews, but also sought out coreligionists through informal ties, newspapers, kosher boardinghouses, fraternalism, and worship services. Gradually, they moved to create Jewish organizations that were public and recognized by the state, including mutual aid societies, literary societies, fraternal lodges, charities, and congregations. Voluntarism did not perfectly map onto Jewish communalism, however, even more so because mobile Jews were rarely consistent, stable, or religiously uniform. This was especially problematic for congregations, which struggled to determine the boundaries and meaning of “membership” as well as the nature of congregational identity, liturgy, and worship.

scholarly journals What Is State Failure?

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 67-85
Author(s):  
D. Shevsky
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Foundation ◽  
State Capacity ◽  
The State ◽  
Fiscal Crisis ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
State Failure ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
State Collapse ◽  
State Breakdown ◽  
Anthropological Literature

The article is devoted to an overview of state failure conceptualization. One of the most popular concepts was failed state after transformed in fragile state. These two concepts are based on weberian understanding of the state that is irrelevant from historical perspective. Also critics have denoted to political labeling, incorrectness and the lack of formalization of these concepts. Since these indices were built for practical purposes, a full­fledged theoretical foundation for the idea of state weakness was elaborated in great details in a concept of state capacity. This concept tries to surpass the narrow weberian understanding of the state and offers three dimensions of state capacity: fiscal­economic, administrative­bureaucratic and the control over violence. The drawback of this concept is an absence of the threshold to understand whether the state has experienced state failure or not. The most formalized approach to measure state failure is created within a concept of state collapse. This concept has common with the previous concept because bases on the same features (fiscal, administrative and military). Using this concept faces some difficulties because of different cases are the same according to this concept. Sociology offered a concept of state breakdown which has three points: fiscal crisis, elite conflict and mass mobilization. After analyzing both sociological and anthropological literature the author offers to add to these three criteria two additional: deligitimation (or change of self­description in the system) and territorial disintegration.

Transmitting a Far-Right Affinity

2019 ◽  
pp. 153-162
Author(s):  
John W.P. Veugelers
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Social Ties ◽  
Voluntary Associations ◽  
The State ◽  
Voluntary Association ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Political Patronage

This chapter examines the linkages between voluntary association, political patronage, and extremist politics. Post-election surveys conducted in Toulon after the presidential and parliamentary elections of 2002, 2007, and 2012 show that patriotic associations insulate their members within a subculture that nurtures support for the far right. This confirms the notion that associations that discourage cross-cutting social ties are not schools for tolerance. In addition, the chapter documents the prevalence of political patronage for voluntary associations. This undermines the autonomy of civil society from the state; and suggests that, indirectly, the state has helped to a support milieu that harbors a far-right potential.

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