‘Nothing is hidden under the sun’

Author(s):  
Margaret Dalivalle ◽  
Martin Kemp ◽  
Robert B. Simon

Chapter 14 surveys the return of royal goods to Charles II at the Restoration of the Crown in 1660 and identifies the Greenwich Salvator Mundi, disbursed and returned by Capt. John Stone in the royal inventory of c. 1666. The chapter reviews the individuals involved in the restitution and augmentation of the Royal Collection and identifies two inventories of the collection at the earliest state of assembly c. 1660–2. It identifies a previously unrecognized—and extensive—list of paintings reserved for the use of Oliver Cromwell. It considers the location and fate of the painting of Christ attributed to Leonardo that was disbursed to Edward Bass in December 1651. The chapter identifies, for the first time, documentation of the presence of the Windsor Volume in the collection of Charles II.

2007 ◽  
Vol 3 (S248) ◽  
pp. 290-291 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Vecchiato ◽  
M. G. Lattanzi ◽  
M. Gai ◽  
R. Morbidelli

AbstractGAME (Gamma Astrometric Measurement Experiment) is a concept for an experiment whose goal is to measure from space the γ parameter of the Parameterized Post-Newtonian formalism, by means of a satellite orbiting at 1 AU from the Sun and looking as close as possible to its limb. This technique resembles the one used during the solar eclipse of 1919, when Dyson, Eddington and collaborators measured for the first time the gravitational bending of light. Simple estimations suggest that, possibly within the budget of a small mission, one could reach the 10−6level of accuracy with ~106observations of relatively bright stars at about 2° apart from the Sun. Further simulations show that this result could be reached with only 20 days of measurements on stars ofV≤ 17 uniformly distributed. A quick look at real star densities suggests that this result could be greatly improved by observing particularly crowded regions near the galactic center.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Samuel Fullerton

Abstract This article argues for a reconsideration of the origins of Restoration sexual politics through a detailed examination of the effusive sexual polemic of the English Revolution (1642–1660). During the early 1640s, unprecedented political upheaval and a novel public culture of participatory print combined to transform explicit sexual libel from a muted element of prewar English political culture into one of its preeminent features. In the process, political leaders at the highest levels of government—including Queen Henrietta Maria, Oliver Cromwell, and King Charles I—were confronted with extensive and graphic debates about their sexual histories in widely disseminated print polemic for the first time in English history. By the early 1650s, monarchical sexuality was a routine topic of scurrilous political commentary. Charles II was thus well acquainted with this novel polemical milieu by the time he assumed the throne in 1660, and his adoption of the “Merry Monarch” persona early in his reign represented a strategic attempt to turn mid-century sexual politics to his advantage, despite unprecedented levels of contemporary criticism. Restoration sexual culture was therefore largely the product of civil war polemical debate rather than the singular invention of a naturally libertine young king.


Author(s):  
Татьяна Юрьевна Сем

Статья посвящена мифологическому образу космического оленя в традиционной культуре тунгусо-маньчжуров. В работе рассматриваются материалы фольклора, шаманства, промысловых и календарных ритуалов, а также искусства. Впервые систематизированы материалы по всем тунгусо-маньчжурским народам. Образ космического оленя в фольклоре эвенов имеет наиболее близкие аналогии с амурскими народами, которые представляют его с рогами до небес. Он сохранился в сказочном фольклоре с мифологическими и эпическими элементами. В эвенском мифе образ оленя имеет космические масштабы: из тела его происходит земля и всё живущее на ней. У народов Амура образ оленя нашел отражение в космогенезе, отделении неба от земли. Своеобразие сюжета космической охоты характеризует общесибирскую мифологию, относящуюся к ранней истории. В ней наиболее ярко проявляется мотив смены старого и нового солнца, хода времени, смены времен года, календарь тунгусо-маньчжуров. В результате анализа автор пришел к выводу, что олень в тунгусо-маньчжурской традиции моделирует пространство и время Вселенной, характеризует образ солнца и хода времени. Космический олень является архетипичным символом культуры тунгусо-маньчжуров, сохранившим свое значение до настоящего времени в художественной культуре This article is devoted to the mythological image of cosmic deer in traditional Tungus-Manchu culture. It examines materials of folklore, shamanism, trade and calendar rituals as well as art and for the first time systematizes materials from all of the Tungus-Manchu peoples. The image of cosmic deer in the folklore of the Evens has its closest analogy in that of the Amur peoples, reflected in the image of a deer with horns reaching up to the sky. This image is preserved in fairytales with mythological and epic elements. In the Even myth, the image of a deer is on a cosmic scale, as the cosmos issues from its body. Among the Amur peoples, the image of a deer is also related to cosmogenesis, to the separation of the earth from the sky. The plot of a cosmic hunt is reflected in pan-Siberian mythology, dating back to the Bronze Age. It clearly illustrates the motif of the change of the old and new sun, the passage of time, the change of seasons, the Tungus-Manchu calendar. The author comes to the conclusion that deer in the Tungus-Manchu tradition, in depicting the image of the sun and the passage of time, model the space and time of the Universe. The cosmic deer is an archetypal symbol of Tungus-Manchu culture, which has retained its significance in artistic culture to the present day.


Locke Studies ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
D. N. DeLuna

A correction of an article originally published in vol 17 (2017). In 1675, the anonymous Letter to a Person of Quality was condemned in the House of Lords and ordered to be burned by the public hangman.  A propagandistic work that has long been attributed to Anthony Ashley Cooper, 1st Earl of Shaftesbury, and less certainly to his secretary John Locke, it traduced hard-line Anglican legislation considered in Parliament that year—namely the Test Bill, proposing that office-holders and MPs swear off political militancy and indeed any efforts to reform the Church and State.  Careful examination of the text of the Letter, and that of one of its sources in the Reasons against the Bill for the Test, also circulated in 1675, reveals the presence of highly seditious passages of covert historical allegory.  Hitherto un-noted by modern scholars, this allegory compared King Charles II to the weak and intermittently mad Henry VI, while agitating for armed revolt against a government made prey to popish and French captors.  The discovery compels modification, through chronological revision and also re-assessment of the probability of Locke’s authorship of the Letter, of Richard Ashcraft’s picture of Shaftesbury and Locke as first-time revolutionaries for the cause of religious tolerance in the early 1680s.  Even more significantly, it lends support to Ashcraft’s view of the nature and intent of duplicitous published writings from the Shaftesbury circle, whose members included Robert Ferguson, ‘the Plotter’ and pamphleteer at home in the world of skilled biblical hermeneutics.  Cultivated for stealthy revolutionary purposes, these writings came with designs of engaging discrete reading networks within England’s culture of Protestant dissent.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 284-298
Author(s):  
Elena M. Shabshaevich

The article presents a focused look at the professional relations of the composer and pianist Anton Grigoryevich Rubinstein (1829—1894) with his main Russian publishers — V.V. Bessel and P.I. Jurgenson. The article is based on musical and historical research concerning the history of the Bessel and Jurgenson publishing houses, works on copyright, A.G. Rubinstein’s epistolary, and archival documents from the Russian National Museum of Music. For the first time in music science, there are revealed some pages of the history of personal and business contacts of the three named persons, primarily the conflicts related to the rights to publish the composer’s works in Russia. The first documented contract for the publications of A.G. Rubinstein was received by P.I. Jurgenson (for op. 82, 1868). However, the contract of A.G. Rubinstein with the trading house “Bessel and Co.”, concluded in 1871 (though Rubinstein’s first work had been published by Bessel two years earlier), was much more extensive and significant. Under this contract, it was supposed to publish more than fifty A.G. Rubinstein’s works of various genres, so in the 1870s, V.V. Bessel became the main Russian publisher of the composer. However, in 1879, A.G. Rubinstein unexpectedly changed his main publisher in Russia. This position was taken by P.I. Jurgenson, whose trading house also published an extensive list of Rubinstein’s compositions, as well as his literary works. This is evidenced by several notarized contracts, stored in the Russian National Museum of Music, between Rubinstein and “P.I. Jurgenson” company. Thus, the two leading Russian publishers of A.G. Rubinstein legally formalized their relations with the composer, which allows us to follow, in a reasoned and substantive way, the process of maturation of the institution of copyright for music publications in Russia in the last third of the 19th century.Using the example of A.G. Rubinstein, in comparison with the position of M.A. Balakirev, the article also raises the issue of granting copyright to a publisher not only in Russia, but also “forever and for all countries”. The comparative analysis of publications of the same composer by different publishing companies is also new to Russian musicology, this helps identify certain accents that publishers put in popularizing A.G. Rubinstein’s works. The publication of the composer’s works by various publishers also highlights new aspects in his creative process, in the history of the creation, receipt of the opus number, and the titles of some of his works.


Author(s):  
David Fisher

Today we learn at such a young age about the periodic properties of the elements and their atomic structure that it seems as if we grew up with the knowledge, and that everyone must always have known such basic, simple stuff. But till nearly the end of the nineteenth century no one even suspected that such things as the noble gases, with their filled electronic orbits, might exist. Helium was the first one we at Brookhaven looked for in our mass spectrometer, and the first one discovered. This was in 1868, but the discovery was ignored and the discoverer ridiculed. He didn’t care; he had other things on his mind. His name was Pierre Jules César Janssen, and he was a French astronomer who sailed to India that year in order to take advantage of a predicted solar eclipse. With the overwhelming brightness of the sun’s disk blocked by the moon, he hoped to observe the outer layers using the newly discovered technique of absorption spectroscopy. Nobody at the time understood why, but it had been observed that when a bright light shone through a gas, the chemical elements in the gas absorbed the light at specific wavelengths. The resulting dark lines in the emission spectrum of the light were like fingerprints, for it had been found in chemical laboratories that when an element was heated it emitted light at the same wavelengths it would absorb when light from an outside source was shined on it. So the way the technique worked, Janssen reasoned, was that he could measure the wavelengths of the solar absorbed lines and compare them with lines emitted in chemical laboratories where different elements were routinely studied, thus identifying the gases present in the sun. On August 18 of that year the moon moved properly into position, and Janssen’s spectroscope captured the dark absorption lines of the gases surrounding the sun. It was an exciting moment, as for the first time the old riddle could be answered: “Twinkle twinkle, little star, how I wonder what you are.” The answer now was clear: the sun, a typical star, was made overwhelmingly of hydrogen. But to Janssen’s surprise there was one additional and annoying line, with a wavelength of 587.49 nanometers.


1878 ◽  
Vol s5-X (253) ◽  
pp. 344-345
Author(s):  
Roland Wilson
Keyword(s):  

1977 ◽  
Vol 39 ◽  
pp. 93-97
Author(s):  
L. Kresak

Some problems of the current interpretation of the Oort Cloud are discussed. If observational selection is taken into account, no significant difference in physical characteristics of old and new comets is apparent, in spite of the required change in the radiation mechanism after the first passage near the Sun. The abundance of new comets puts special requirements on the relative size of the perihelion distances at which they lose their orbital characteristics and original surface properties, respectively. Stellar perturbations do not seem to be effective enough to displace the perihelia of new comets in a single revolution from the zone of insignificant planetary perturbations into the zone of detectability. Therefore, many physically new comets should appear as dynamically old, which is at variance with observational evidence. It is speculated whether the Oort Cloud really represents a reservoir of comets passing near the Sun for the first time or, alternatively, a region where the capability of building up extensive comas is being restored within periods of the order of 106 to 107 years.


2011 ◽  
Vol 29 (6) ◽  
pp. 1093-1099 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
K. V. Subrahmanyam ◽  

Abstract. Using a unique set of satellite based observations of the vertical distribution of ozone during the recent annular solar eclipse of 15 January 2010, we demonstrate for the first time, a complete picture of the response of stratospheric ozone to abrupt changes in solar forcing. The stratospheric ozone decreased after the maximum obscuration of the Sun and then gradually increased with time. A dramatic increase in stratospheric ozone of up to 4 ppmv is observed 3 h after the maximum obscuration of the Sun. The present study also reports for the first time the mesosphere-lower thermospheric ozone response to solar eclipse. Thus it is envisaged that the present results will have important implications in understanding the ozone response to abrupt changes in solar forcing and time-scales involved in such response.


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