From Anxiety to Unconcern on Population

Author(s):  
Tim Dyson

India experienced substantial mortality decline in the decades after 1971. By 2016 life expectation probably averaged about 68 years. However, much of the mortality decline resulted from narrow technical developments (e.g. immunizations) and was not always matched by commensurate advances in the state of the population’s health. The Emergency of 1975–77 led to sterilization excesses, and there was a backlash against the family planning programme. Subsequently, political leaders generally avoided talking about family planning and population growth. Partly as a result, the pace of fertility decline during 1971–2016 was slow. By 2016 the average level of fertility was about 2.4 births per woman. It was not until the 2001–11 intercensal decade that there was an appreciable fall in the rate of population growth. Consequently, between 1971 and 2016 the population grew from 548 million to more than 1.3 billion.

2001 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
CATHY TOROITICH-RUTO

Kenya was one of the first sub-Saharan countries to enter the fertility transition, and analysts have suggested various explanations for this. This paper examines the growth in contraceptive availability in Kenya by looking at the Kenya family planning programme and its association with the fertility transition. This is of critical programmatic importance because the fertility transition is not yet underway in many sub-Saharan countries. Policymakers will find the information from this study helpful in evaluating the efficacy of current programmes and replicating the Kenyan programme in areas where fertility decline has not yet occurred. For researchers, the study attempts to highlight some of the major factors driving Kenya’s fertility decline, apart from the conventional arguments about social and economic development.


1993 ◽  
Vol 32 (4II) ◽  
pp. 1125-1137
Author(s):  
M. Naseem Iqbal Farooqui ◽  
Khalid Hameed Sheikh

Because of a continuously moderate decline in mortality specially during the first two decades of the twentieth century and more remarkably after the Second World War, the population of developing countries, including Pakistan, grew faster over time. High rates of population growth and the characteristics associated with it constituted a serious challenge to desired economic development in these countries [United Nations (1973)]. It was for these reasons that a number of developing countries in the process of development considered and adopted as part of their development efforts a population policy aimed at reducing the rate of population growth through fertility decline. In the early 1960s, few countries including Pakistan considered family planning programmes as an integral part of their development policies. By the end of 1960, family planning programmes had been initiated in many developing countries and such programmes became an integral part of the national plans [Freedman and Berelson (1976)]. By the mid-1970s, it was observed that many developing countries had succeeded in enhancing their programme activities and in achieving contraceptive use which was responsible for reducing fertility levels in those countries. However in many developing countries, including Pakistan, the family planning programmes could not achieve a breakthrough in contraceptive use and fertility decline although the programmes had been ambitiously pursued there for more than a decade [Frinkle and Crane (1975) and Berelson (1975)].


1964 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 332-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
Khurshid Haroon ◽  
Yasmin Azra Jan

Very little of the intense interest and activity in the field of family planning in Pakistan has come up in the form of publications. Since the formation of the Family Planning Association of Pakistan in 1953 and the initiative of the government in promoting a national family-planning programme in its Second Five-Year Plan, relatively few reports have been printed. Most of what has been written in Pakistan about family planning has either been reported at conferences abroad or published in foreign journals, or submitted as graduate dissertations at universities within the country and abroad1. While numerous papers presented at conferences in Pakistan have been given limited circulation in mimeographed form2, much of the preliminary data, emanating from most of the action-research projects in progress, are held up till substantive demographic changes are measured and approaches evaluated accordingly.


1994 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-46
Author(s):  
Mirza S Saiyadain

The mission of the family planning programme in India is to initiate a process of change in favour of the small family norm. In order to achieve this goal, Saiyadain feels that the strategy should be not only to attract what he terms the ‘uninitiated’ but also to sustain small family norm ‘acceptors.’


1971 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 403-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
M.-Francoise Hall

Editorial note. The material presented below was originally recorded in an article by Dr Hall in Cuadernos Medico-Sociales, 10, 1969. This Chilean medical journal is published in Spanish and is relatively inaccessible in Europe. In view of the interest and importance of the attitude of the male to family planning, especially perhaps of the South American male, it seemed desirable to bring Dr Hall's findings to the attention of a wider audience. The paper which follows is a revised version of the original English text from which the Spanish translation was prepared. I am much obliged to Dr Hall for her cooperation.A survey of 584 men in Santiago and 217 men in an adjacent rural area showed that:(1) Men were favourable to family planning, both in their own personal relationships and for other adults. In all socio-economic strata, more respondents favoured giving information to men than women. It is suggested that male support be enlisted in efforts to reduce induced abortions.(2) Men favoured giving contraceptive information to youths of both sexes. The family planning programme, therefore, could provide information to adolescents at a time when attitudes toward sex are developing.(3) There was wide agreement that family planning education be discussed in schools ‘in accordance with the age of the children.’ There is thus an opportunity for the schools to help children develop a system of values within the framework of widely available effective contraception.


1990 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quanhe Yang

SummaryThis paper examines the changing nuptiality pattern of rural China, particularly rural Anhui in relation to the planned social changes since 1949 and their effect on fertility. The data are from the 1/1000 Fertility Survey of China, conducted by the Family Planning Commission in 1982. Before the family planning programme was introduced to rural Anhui (1972), the changing nuptiality pattern was indirectly affected by the planned social changes; after 1972, the substantial increase in age at first marriage was mainly due to the family planning programme. More recently, the centrally controlled social structure is loosening, due to the economic reform and the nuptiality pattern seems to join the 1972 trend, suggesting that the dramatic change of nuptiality pattern during the early 1970s to early 1980s was a temporary one. But its effect on fertility is clear, and the shortening interval between marriage and first birth may bring difficulties for future population control in rural China.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Puri Kusuma Dwi Putri ◽  
Aida Vitayala Hubeis ◽  
Sarwititi Sarwoprasodjo

Indonesia experienced a change in the organization of the Family Planning (FP) Program from centralized to a decentralized one. This article aims to compare various Indonesia’s FP policies, implemented by the National Population and Family Planning Board (NPFPB), in each era of governance, and their respective Total Fertility Rate (TFR) and Population Growth Rate (PGR) achievements. We reviewed FP programs from Soekarno’s presidency until Joko Widodo’s presidency (1983-2018). The centralization approached was implemented during the Soekarno’s and Soeharto’s presidency, while the decentralization has been implemented since Habibie’s and Joko Widodo’s presidency. The centralization approach in Soeharto’s presidency had succeeded in lowering the TFR and become success story of the FP program. In contrast, the decentralization approach has not reached its target since it has impacted the organizational structure and family planning programs and their achievements through every new presidency. The decentralization also changed the communication role in the declining TFR and PGR era in each presidency in Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Tim Dyson

This chapter considers population trends in the decades either side of Independence. It does so in three broad phases. The first phase is the 1920s and 1930s—when there was unprecedented population growth, and public discussion about birth control increased. The second phase is the turbulent 1940s; here particular attention is given to the demographic effects of the Bengal famine in 1943–44 and Partition in 1947. The final phase is the 1950s and 1960s—when there was a big fall in the death rate and, very cautiously, a family planning programme was introduced. The chapter also considers developments relating to the urban sector, migration, and regional demographic variation. It concludes by noting that, with little sign of a fall in the birth rate, by 1971 there was increasing disappointment and concern about the performance of the family planning programme.


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