scholarly journals Demand Side of Pakistan's Population Welfare Programme

1993 ◽  
Vol 32 (4II) ◽  
pp. 1125-1137
Author(s):  
M. Naseem Iqbal Farooqui ◽  
Khalid Hameed Sheikh
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Family Planning ◽  
Population Growth ◽  
Fertility Decline ◽  
Contraceptive Use ◽  
Population Policy ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Development Policies ◽  
The Family ◽  
Second World

Because of a continuously moderate decline in mortality specially during the first two decades of the twentieth century and more remarkably after the Second World War, the population of developing countries, including Pakistan, grew faster over time. High rates of population growth and the characteristics associated with it constituted a serious challenge to desired economic development in these countries [United Nations (1973)]. It was for these reasons that a number of developing countries in the process of development considered and adopted as part of their development efforts a population policy aimed at reducing the rate of population growth through fertility decline. In the early 1960s, few countries including Pakistan considered family planning programmes as an integral part of their development policies. By the end of 1960, family planning programmes had been initiated in many developing countries and such programmes became an integral part of the national plans [Freedman and Berelson (1976)]. By the mid-1970s, it was observed that many developing countries had succeeded in enhancing their programme activities and in achieving contraceptive use which was responsible for reducing fertility levels in those countries. However in many developing countries, including Pakistan, the family planning programmes could not achieve a breakthrough in contraceptive use and fertility decline although the programmes had been ambitiously pursued there for more than a decade [Frinkle and Crane (1975) and Berelson (1975)].

scholarly journals An Analysis of Fertility Change in Pakistan

1984 ◽  
Vol 23 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 225-238
Author(s):  
M. Naseem Iqbal Farooqui ◽  
Ghulam Yasin Soomro
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Population Growth ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Socioeconomic Development ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Low Income Countries ◽  
Dominant Factor ◽  
World War ◽  
Population Growth Rates ◽  
Second World

In most of the developing countries, sustained population growth rates have been a dominant factor in decelerating socio-economic development. The continuing decline in mortality rates has been a major contributor to the acceleration of growth of population in these countries which started in the period following the second World War, and has not abated yet in most of the developing world. There is every likelihood that the population of these developing countries will double in the course of the next generation or so, because of the demographic momentum that is built into their age structure. The rapidly increasing population in low-income countries is not keeping pace with the necessary cultural and technological changes that may help them to raise the standard of living of their masses. Also, high rates of population growth have become a barrier to a successful attainment of the desired socioeconomic development, both quantitative and qualitative.

From Anxiety to Unconcern on Population

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Dyson
Keyword(s):  
Family Planning ◽  
Population Growth ◽  
Fertility Decline ◽  
The State ◽  
Mortality Decline ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Family Planning Programme ◽  
Life Expectation ◽  
Technical Developments ◽  
The Family

India experienced substantial mortality decline in the decades after 1971. By 2016 life expectation probably averaged about 68 years. However, much of the mortality decline resulted from narrow technical developments (e.g. immunizations) and was not always matched by commensurate advances in the state of the population’s health. The Emergency of 1975–77 led to sterilization excesses, and there was a backlash against the family planning programme. Subsequently, political leaders generally avoided talking about family planning and population growth. Partly as a result, the pace of fertility decline during 1971–2016 was slow. By 2016 the average level of fertility was about 2.4 births per woman. It was not until the 2001–11 intercensal decade that there was an appreciable fall in the rate of population growth. Consequently, between 1971 and 2016 the population grew from 548 million to more than 1.3 billion.

scholarly journals Family Planning in Pakistan's Third Five Year Plan

1966 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-281 ◽  
Author(s):  
Warren C. Robinson
Keyword(s):  
Family Planning ◽  
Population Growth ◽  
Critical Analysis ◽  
Population Policy ◽  
Population Control ◽  
Fertility Rate ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Family ◽  
Planning Scheme ◽  
Per Capita

It is commonplace that population growth looms large in the complex of problems associated with economic and social development. This is true in Pakis¬tan as elsewhere and the Third Five Year Plan has faced_up squarely to (his issue. This article will review the population policy contained in the Plan and its support¬ing documents. Our analysis is sometimes critical but never unsympathetic. The planners in Pakistan have recognized the importance of population control and the present Plan devotes considerable resources to this goal. For this they deserve only praise. However, critical analysis of the Family Planning Scheme by interest¬ed but objective observers may still serve a useful purpose. The Plan's basic statement on population deserves to be quoted to start our analysis: The size of population, estimated at 112 million for 1965, is expected to grow at an annual compound rate of about 2.6 per cent during the Perspective Plan (1965-1985). With the planned improvement in health facilities and nutri¬tional standards, the mortality rate is likely to decline fairly rapidly. Unless it is checked by a fall in the fertility rate, the population growth rate could easily be pushed beyond 3 per cent per annum. If this happens, population will double itself by 1985. Such an increase would defeat any attempts to raise per capita incomes by a significant amount. One of the basic assump¬tions of the present projections is that the rate of growth of population will decline after 1975 owing to a decrease in the fertility rate. In other words, it is assumed that declining fertility will more than offset declining mortal¬ity. The population in 1985 is thus projected at 187 million. A vigorous and broadly based programme of family planning is, therefore, an intergral part of the strategy for the Perspective Plan [44, p. 24].

A Successful Population Policy: Potentials and Constraints (Distinguishedl Lecture)

1993 ◽  
Vol 32 (4I) ◽  
pp. 411-431
Author(s):  
Hans-Rimbert Hemmer
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Economic Development ◽  
Population Growth ◽  
Capita Income ◽  
Population Policy ◽  
Mortality Rates ◽  
Per Capita Income ◽  
Access To Health Services ◽  
Industrial Countries ◽  
Per Capita

The current rapid population growth in many developing countries is the result of an historical process in the course of which mortality rates have fallen significantly but birthrates have remained constant or fallen only slightly. Whereas, in industrial countries, the drop in mortality rates, triggered by improvements in nutrition and progress in medicine and hygiene, was a reaction to economic development, which ensured that despite the concomitant growth in population no economic difficulties arose (the gross national product (GNP) grew faster than the population so that per capita income (PCI) continued to rise), the drop in mortality rates to be observed in developing countries over the last 60 years has been the result of exogenous influences: to a large degree the developing countries have imported the advances made in industrial countries in the fields of medicine and hygiene. Thus, the drop in mortality rates has not been the product of economic development; rather, it has occurred in isolation from it, thereby leading to a rise in population unaccompanied by economic growth. Growth in GNP has not kept pace with population growth: as a result, per capita income in many developing countries has stagnated or fallen. Mortality rates in developing countries are still higher than those in industrial countries, but the gap is closing appreciably. Ultimately, this gap is not due to differences in medical or hygienic know-how but to economic bottlenecks (e.g. malnutrition, access to health services)

Population, Environment, and Women’s Issues

2002 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Family Planning ◽  
Population Growth ◽  
Married Couples ◽  
Developing Nations ◽  
World Population ◽  
High Fertility ◽  
Fertility Rates ◽  
Religious Traditions ◽  
The World

Ultimately, the necessity to supply food, energy, habitat, infrastructure, and consumer goods for the ever-growing population is responsible for the demise of the environment. Remedial actions for pollution abatement, and further technological progress toward energy efficiency, development of new crops, and improvements in manufacturing processes may help to mitigate the severity of environmental deterioration. However, we can hardly hope for restoration of a clean environment, improvement in human health, and an end to poverty without arresting the continuous growth of the world population. According to the United Nations count, world population reached 6 billion in mid October 1999 (1). The rate of population growth and the fertility rates by continent, as well as in the United States and Canada, are presented in Table 14.1. It can be seen that the fastest population growth occurs in the poorest countries of the world. Despite the worldwide decrease in fertility rates between 1975–80 period and that of 1995–2000, the rate of population growth in most developing countries changed only slightly due to the demographic momentum, which means that because of the high fertility rates in the previous decades, the number of women of childbearing age had increased. Historically, the preference for large families in the developing nations was in part a result of either cultural or religious traditions. In some cases there were practical motivations, as children provided helping hands with farm chores and a security in old age. At present the situation is changing. A great majority of governments of the developing countries have recognized that no improvement of the living standard of their citizens will ever be possible without slowing the explosive population growth. By 1985, a total of 70 developing nations had either established national family planning programs, or provided support for such programs conducted by nongovernmental agencies; now only four of the world’s 170 countries limit access to family planning services. As result, 95% of the developing world population lives in countries supporting family planning. Consequently, the percentage of married couples using contraceptives increased from less than 10% in 1960 to 57% in 1997.

Trade and Industrial Policy for Development

2016 ◽  
pp. 25-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
John T. Thoburn
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Trade Liberalization ◽  
Industrial Policy ◽  
East Asian ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Washington Consensus ◽  
World War ◽  
Policy Measures ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Second World

This chapter looks at policies for industrialization in developing countries, considering changes that have taken place since the Second World War, including the rise and subsequent demise of the so-called Washington Consensus approach. It discusses import substituting industrialization, export development, trade liberalization and the impact of post-2000 new WTO rules on trade-related policy measures. It shows how the East Asian model of substantial government intervention in the economy has been followed by a number of successful countries, not just Japan, Korea and Taiwan, but also China and Vietnam.

scholarly journals The Status of Women in a Socialist Order: Czechoslovakia, 1948-1978

Slavic Review ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 583-602 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sharon L. Wolchik
Keyword(s):  
Public Life ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Equal Opportunities ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
World War ◽  
The Family ◽  
Working People ◽  
The Status ◽  
Second World ◽  
Status Of Women

All citizens shall have equal rights and equal duties. Men and women shall have equal status in the family, at work and in public activity. The society of the working people shall ensure the equality of all citizens by creating equal possibilities and equal opportunities in all fields of public life.ČSSR Constitution, Article 20When we Communist women protested against the disbanding of the women's organization, we were informed that we had equality. That we were equal, happy, joyful, and content, and that, therefore, our problem was solved.Woman Delegate to the Prague Conferenceof District Party Officials, May 1968When Communist elites came to power in Czechoslovakia at the end of the Second World War, they attempted to create a new social and political order. As part of this process, efforts were made to improve the status of women and to incorporate them as full participants in a socialist society.

Fertility, Marriage, and Family Planning in Iran: Implications for Future Policy

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meimanat Hosseini-Chavoshi ◽  
Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-Shavazi ◽  
Peter McDonald
Keyword(s):  
Family Planning ◽  
Contraceptive Use ◽  
Family Formation ◽  
Population Policy ◽  
Age Distribution ◽  
Marriage And Family ◽  
Economic Changes ◽  
Policy Goals ◽  
Program Policy ◽  
The Government

Abstract The Islamic Republic of Iran has experienced a remarkable demographic transition over the last three decades. As a result of social, demographic and economic changes, Iran’s fertility declined from 7.0 births per woman in 1980 to around 1.8 to 2.0 in 2011 based on our estimation (McDonald et al. 2015). The initial rise and rapid fall of fertility accompanied by a decline of child mortality led to a post-revolutionary youth bulge in the age distribution that will lead to rapid ageing in the longer-term future. Others have argued that Iran’s fertility has fallen to much lower levels - as low as 1.5 births per woman (eg. Erfani 2013). Such low estimates led to the Government of Iran adopting a pronatalist policy with the aim of increasing fertility, although the components of the policy are still under discussion. Different views have been expressed on the role of family planning and other programs in meeting population policy goals in Iran in the future with some advocating the discontinuation of government assistance to family planning. This paper aims to review the trends and levels of fertility, marriage, and family planning and their implications for policy. Using various datasets and detailed parity-based measures of fertility, the dynamics of fertility regulation practiced by Iranian couples are investigated. Our findings suggest that contraceptive use stabilized before 2000 and postponement of the first child and wide birth intervals are the main contributors to the level of fertility. Therefore, instead of discontinuation of the family planning program, policy to sustain fertility at its present level or a little higher needs to focus upon improving the economic circumstances of young people so that they are able to make less constrained choices about family formation than is the case at present.

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