Refining the Political Autonomy Account

2019 ◽  
pp. 119-154
Author(s):  
Anna Stilz
Keyword(s):  
The Self ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
Mass Society ◽  
Collective Self ◽  
Modern Mass ◽  
Political Decisions ◽  
Two Alternatives ◽  
Negligible Influence

This chapter extends the political autonomy theory of self-determination by responding to a variety of challenges. Is collective self-determination possible in a modern mass society, where citizens have (and can only have) a negligible influence over political decisions? How do we define the “self” in self-determination? Does self-determination require democratic governance or is it compatible with nondemocratic arrangements? Does self-determination apply only to overseas dependencies or also to internal minorities? How does it cohere with other international principles, such as territorial integrity? It also contrasts the political autonomy theory with two alternatives: the liberal nationalist theory and the peoplehood theory.

Legitimacy and Self-Determination

2019 ◽  
pp. 9-46
Author(s):  
Anna Stilz
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Personal Lives ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
State Legitimacy ◽  
Collective Self ◽  
Important Challenge

While most traditional liberal theories hold that the justice of a state’s institutions suffices to ground a right to govern its population and territory, I argue that these theories face an important challenge: They are unable to distinguish between domestic and foreign rule, and they may even license benign colonialism. Drawing on Kant’s political writings, I argue that we should revise these traditional liberal theories, recognizing the importance of a second, self-determination dimension to state legitimacy. To be legitimate, a state must not only provide certain minimum conditions of justice to its population; it must also satisfy their interest in collective self-determination, in being authors of their political institutions. This chapter offers a specific account of this interest, which I call the political autonomy theory. To fully respect autonomy, individuals must not only enjoy certain rights over their own personal lives; they must also be part of a collective that pursues justice through rules they choose through the exercise of their own rational deliberative agency.

Legitimacy and Self-Determination

2019 ◽  
pp. 89-118
Author(s):  
Anna Stilz
Keyword(s):  
Core Values ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
Territorial Jurisdiction ◽  
Private Rights ◽  
Collective Self ◽  
The Right

This chapter turns to the question of how a state might acquire legitimate territorial jurisdiction over a population of rightful occupants. What gives a state the right to rule a specific territory and group of people? I hold that a state has a right to rule a territory and population if and only if it: (i) protects certain essential private rights for all its subjects and respects these rights in outsiders and (ii) it reflects the shared will of its population as to how—and by whom—they should be ruled. To gain the right to rule, a state must serve the second and third core values that underpin the states system: basic justice and collective self-determination. The chapter offers a specific account of the interest in collective self-determination, which it calls “the political autonomy theory.”

Recommendations of the Self-Determination and Self-Advocacy Strand From the National Goals 2015 Conference

Inclusion ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 205-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karrie A. Shogren ◽  
Brian Abery ◽  
Anthony Antosh ◽  
Ricky Broussard ◽  
Barbara Coppens ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Developmental Disabilities ◽  
The Self ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Intellectual And Developmental Disabilities ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
Self Advocacy ◽  
Collective Self ◽  
Research Initiatives

Abstract This article reports the recommendations of the Self-Determination and Self-Advocacy Strand from the National Goals 2015 conference. The recommendations provide direction on research goals to advance policy and practice related to self-advocacy and self-determination over the next 10 years. Seven recommendations and multiple subrecommendations were developed over a 2-day meeting by leaders in the field of intellectual and developmental disabilities. The recommended goals provide direction for research initiatives related to collective self-advocacy and personal self-determination. Implications for the field are discussed.

scholarly journals Marx na Europa do século XX | Marx in 20th Century Europe

2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (41) ◽  
Author(s):  
Raquel Varela ◽  
Roberto Della Santa Barros
Keyword(s):  
Social History ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
European History ◽  
The Self ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Intellectual Tradition

Com muita frequência é possível encontrar análises sobre a história europeia do séc. XX que não passam de justificações ideológicas do tempo presente, seja a partir de pressupostos a orbitar Washington ou premissas irradiadas desde Moscou, isso para não mencionar as teses pós-modernas ou neoconservadoras. Argumentamos nesse artigo que, para retomar a iniciativa e a luta pela autodeterminação dos trabalhadores e povos europeus, é preciso, também, uma nova escrita da história europeia recente. Nada disso é possível sem levar em conta a tradição intelectual e o movimento político que tem lugar a partir do legado de Karl Marx.Palavras-chave: Marx; Europa; história social; autodeterminação. Abstract −It is often possible to find analyses of 20th-century European history that are no more than ideological justifications of the present, whether asserting assumptions from Washington or premises from Moscow, not to mention postmodern or neoconservative theses. We argue in this article that in order to resume the initiative and struggle for the self-determination of European workers and peoples, a new writing of recent European history is also required. None of this is possible without taking into account the intellectual tradition and the political movement that emerged from the legacy of Karl Marx.Keywords: Marx; Europe; social history; self-determination.

scholarly journals KONFLIK SELATAN FILIPINA: ISU, CABARAN DAN PENYELESAIAN[CONFLICT IN THE SOUTHERN REGION OF THE PHILIPPINES: ISSUES, CHALLENGES, AND SOLUTIONS]

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 66
Author(s):  
Ruhanas Harun
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Southern Region ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Viable Solution ◽  
Socio Economic Development

The conflict in the Southern Region of the Philippines has been going on for decades with no viable solution to be seen. This is due to the clash of interests, identities and aspirations between both parties. The opposition of the Moro people towards the political domination of the central government has its roots in the colonial times. Their aspirations towards rights of self -determination goes against the interests of the Philippines Government in defending the nation’s sovereignty, security and territorial integrity. The Bangsamoro’s claim to political autonomy and socio-economic development and the removal of discrimination against them is still yet to be properly addressed by the central government, thus reducing their trust in the central government’s sincerity in achieving a peaceful solution to the conflict.  Agreements reached during the peace process were not properly implemented, thus adding pressure to both parties. Peace negotiations are also stunted due to the refusal of both parties to compromise on their stances. Should this conflict continue to drag on, both parties will face negative consequences, especially for the Bangsamoro. The way forward in achieving peace must ensure the survival of the Bangsamoro identity and culture, without being excluded from the Filipino national mould.Keywords: Bangsamoro, conflict of interests, identity, roots of conflict, Southern Region of the PhilippinesCite as: Harun, R. (2017). Konflik Selatan Filipina: Isu, cabaran dan penyelesaian [Conflict in the Southern Region of the Philippines: Issues, challenges, and solutions]. Journal of Nusantara Studies, 2(2), 66-78. AbstrakKonflik yang melanda selatan Filipina antara kerajaan pusat dengan wilayah selatan negara tersebut sejak berdekad lamanya masih gagal menemui sebarang titik penyelesaian disebabkan pertembungan kepentingan, identiti dan aspirasi yang berbeza kedua pihak. Penentangan orang-orang Moro terhadap dominasi kuasa politik kerajaan pusat berakar umbi sejak zaman kolonial lagi. Cita-cita Bangsamoro untuk mendapat hak menentukan masa depan sendiri sebagai sebuah komuniti bebas bertentangan dengan kepentingan dan hak kerajaan Filipina mempertahankan kedaulatan, keselamatan dan keutuhan wilayahnya. Dasar-dasar yang dilaksanakan oleh kerajaan untuk mengintegrasi Bangsamoro ke dalam acuan nasional Filipina mengancam kelangsungan identiti mereka. Tuntutan Bangsamoro untuk mendapatkan autonomi politik, pembangunan sosio-ekonomi serta penghapusan diskriminasi masih belum diberi layanan yang sewajarnya oleh kerajaan pusat. Ini secara tidak langsung menghakis kepercayaan Bangsamoro terhadap keikhlasan pihak kerajaan pusat mengenai proses damai dan kemampuan rundingan yang diadakan bagi mencapai penyelesaian secara aman. Segala persetujuan yang dicapai di sepanjang proses damai tidak dapat dilaksanakan dengan berkesan sekaligus menambah tekanan kepada kedua pihak. Rundingan damai juga menghadapi kebuntuan disebabkan keengganan berkompromi akan pendirian masing-masing. Hakikatnya jika konflik selatan Filipina ini berlanjutan, ia akan merugikan kedua pihak, terutamanya Bangsamoro. Halatuju penyelesaian perlu menjamin penerusan identiti dan budaya Bangsamoro sebagai satu golongan minoriti tanpa meminggirkan mereka dari acuan nasional Filipina.Kata Kunci: Bangsamoro, identiti, punca konflik, pertembungan kepentingan, Selatan Filipina

Law as an extrinsic responsivity factor: What’s just is what works!

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 146-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martine Herzog-Evans
Keyword(s):  
Legal System ◽  
The Self ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
High Time ◽  
Offender Treatment ◽  
What Works ◽  
Treatment Models ◽  
Modern Mass ◽  
Responsivity Principle ◽  
Treatment Theory

If criminologists and psychologists have studied practitioners’ ethics, they have not integrated the legal system into offender treatment theory. Offender treatment models have, moreover, not taken stock of the Legitimacy of Justice and the Self-Determination literatures, according to which people comply more substantively, and for longer periods of time, with decisions that are made fairly, and respect individuals’ agency. It is generally assumed that despite modern mass managerial and punitive probation, practitioners and their institutions have retained their original well-meaning ethos. In this article, it is suggested that law as a system ought to be integrated into a new subdivision of the Responsivity principle: ‘Extrinsic- Responsivity’. It is further argued that it is high time for probation staff and institutions to lose their untouchable status and be subjected to legal scrutiny and procedural constraints.

The Political Significance of Cultural Nationalism: The Slavophiles and Their Notion of a Russian Enlightenment

2004 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 441-456 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susanna Rabow-Edling
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Cultural Heritage ◽  
Political History ◽  
Cultural Nationalism ◽  
The Self ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Important Distinction ◽  
Voluntary Membership ◽  
Political Form

For nearly a century, the contrast between a cultural and a political form of nationalism has been upheld. In the early twentieth century, Fredrich Meinecke made a distinction between the political nation, or Staatsnation, based on a common political history and a shared constitution, and the cultural nation, Kulturnation, based on a shared cultural heritage. The most important distinction between the two is that while membership in the former is voluntary, membership in the cultural nation is a matter not of choice, but of common objective identity. Meinecke maintained that political nationalism derived from the spirit of 1789, i.e. from the idea of the self-determination and sovereignty of the nation. Cultural nationalism, in contrast, was a striving for national individuality, characteristic of anti-Enlightenment German thought.

Ukraine, International Law, and the Political Economy of Self-Determination

2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 434-451 ◽  
Author(s):  
Umut Özsu
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
World Order ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legal Analysis ◽  
Legal Rhetoric ◽  
Collective Self ◽  
Legal Arguments ◽  
Ukraine Crisis

AbstractThis article attempts to destabilize the assumption that self-determination can be restricted to a “purely legal” analysis of the sort to which most international legal scholars have conventionally confined themselves. It does so by focusing upon the conditions under which the legal rhetoric of collective self-determination came to be mobilized during the course of Russia's incursion into and subsequent annexation of Crimea in early 2014, as well as its ongoing deployment in the context of Russia's political, military, and financial support for self-declared “people's republics” in Donetsk and Luhansk. After briefly examining legal arguments in support of and in opposition to Russia's actions, the article argues that the Ukraine crisis problematizes the traditional reluctance of international lawyers to engage with the complex, and often counterintuitive, articulations of self-determination offered by participants in armed conflict. Recourse to self-determination cannot be understood without appreciating the concrete politico-economic pressures in response to which states are created and recreated. The alternately “lofty” and “cynical” formulations of self-determination that have characterized the ongoing struggle in and over Ukraine can only be understood in light of protracted competition between rival class projects that generate significantly different visions of world order. This compels us to confront the class dimensions of the concept of collective self-determination rather than continuing to conceive it as a purely national, or ethno-national, project of recognition or emancipation.

Bürgerräte – Abhilfe gegen die Repräsentationskrise oder demokratiepolitisches Feigenblatt?

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-140
Author(s):  
Frank Decker
Keyword(s):  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Random Selection ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
The Self ◽  
The Political ◽  
Federal Level ◽  
High Degree ◽  
Political Decisions ◽  
Selection Of

Since the 1990s, direct democracy has been the favored method to combat the weakness of representative institutions in Germany . In recent years, its proponents-not least the Greens and the SPD-have had a change of heart . Instead of plebiscitary measures, they now favor deliberative forms of citizen participation that are not binding for the decision makers and can be triggered “from above” by administrative and/or parliamentary institu­tions . Advocates moreover emphasize the advantage of the random selection of participants that is meant to ensure a high degree of social representativeness . The strengthening of the self-efficacy of the citizens that is supposed to be the main benefit of their participation can, however, only occur when citizens’ recommendations are actually reflected in the political decisions . The citizen councils held or initiated at the federal level in Germany in 2019 and 2021 fail to meet this intended objective and appear to primarily serve as a democratic fig­leaf .

Collective Self-Determination without Resource Sovereignty

2019 ◽  
pp. 106-127
Author(s):  
Megan Blomfield
Keyword(s):  
Natural Resources ◽  
Natural Resource ◽  
The Self ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Original Position ◽  
Territorial Jurisdiction ◽  
Common Ownership ◽  
Collective Self ◽  
Political Communities

This chapter defends the principle of collective self-determination as a second principle of natural resource justice. This defence emerges from consideration of the principle of natural resource sovereignty, which appears to be a candidate for agreement from the perspective of Contractualist Common Ownership. The responsible stewardship defence of resource sovereignty is rejected. The collective self-determination defence, however, is shown to get something right. Parties to the original position would indeed accept a principle according to which resource rights must support political communities in the legitimate exercise of collective self-determination, because such self-determination promises to further individuals’ interests in freedom as non-domination. But the principle of collective self-determination appears to support merely a presumptive right of exclusive territorial jurisdiction over natural resources, rather than resource sovereignty. This presumptive right must be abnegated or moderated if it conflicts with basic needs satisfaction, or with the self-determination of other political communities.

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