scholarly journals Sri Lanka’s Failed Peace Process and the Continuing Challenge of Ethno-Territorial Cleavages

Author(s):  
Asanga Welikala

This chapter examines why the peace process in Sri Lanka failed to find a constitutional settlement for the country’s ethno-territorial cleavage, and even enthroned a government hostile to Tamil aspirations for regional autonomy. It first provides a historical background on the ethnic division between Sinhalese and Tamils before turning to the period of constitutional engagement in Sri Lanka, focusing in particular on the Norwegian-facilitated peace process between the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and highlighting its various weaknesses as a model of conflict transformation and constitutional transition. The chapter also analyzes the outcomes of the peace process and the lessons that can be drawn from it. Two features of Sri Lanka’s political culture that became evident in the failure of the peace negotiations are identified: the hyper-competitive nature of party politics and the elitism of constitutional politics.

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christoph Feyen

AbstractSeventy-seven years after gaining independence and 11 years after the end of a long civil war, Sri Lankan public discourse is still searching for a broadly accepted concept of national identity and struggling to find constructive ways of dealing with the past. In this interview the former president of Sri Lanka (1994–2005) Madam Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga reflects on deeply rooted conflicts in society, the various outbreaks of violence, political mistakes made in the past, and her own role in the peace process and in reconciliation.


2003 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dhananjayan Sriskandarajah

The current peace process between the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) is unprecedented on several counts: talks have never lasted this long, been this stable, or been at such a high level in the past. Also unprecedented, and perhaps key to the early success of the process, has been an agreement (referred to in this article as the ‘Killinochchi consensus’) between the main stakeholders that the first priority of conflict resolution is realising the ‘peace dividend’. This has resulted in considerable action and cooperation on reconstruction of the war-torn Northeast and development of the island's economy. It is suggested here that, apart from their direct benefits, these efforts have two further aims: to bolster popular support for the peace initiative, and to foster cooperation between the two negotiating sides ahead of discussions on more contentious issues. Also novel in the Sri Lankan case has been the willingness of international donors, particularly the international financial institutions, to get involved in the peace process well before a permanent solution has been achieved. While several questions remain about the nature and scope of the development imperative, whether it has been correctly sequenced, and whether it can deliver a sustainable peace, a constructive and pragmatic approach to peacebuilding through development holds some promise in Sri Lanka and perhaps elsewhere.


2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 341-364 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isak Svensson ◽  
Kristine Höglund

AbstractThird-party actors who mediate or monitor peace often strive to uphold an image of neutrality. Yet, they commonly face accusations of partiality. The Nordic engagement in the Sri Lankan peace process is an illustration of this puzzle: despite the efforts to uphold an image of being neutral mediators and monitors, they have been seen as favoring one side or the other. This article suggests that part of the explanation for their failure to be seen as neutral lies in the fact that armed conflicts are characterized by certain asymmetries between the main antagonists – in capabilities, status and behavior. These imbalances pose particular challenges to the third party aspiring to act in a neutral manner. We suggest that third parties have two strategies available to deal with imbalances in the relationship between the contenders: 1) they can choose to disregard the asymmetrical relationship and act in an even-handed manner or 2) they can seek to counterbalance the lopsidedness. This article explores the dynamics of these strategies by analyzing the Nordic involvement in Sri Lanka's peace process that began in 2002.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 93-100
Author(s):  
Gisa Jähnichen

The Sri Lankan Ministry of National Coexistence, Dialogue, and Official Languages published the work “People of Sri Lanka” in 2017. In this comprehensive publication, 21 invited Sri Lankan scholars introduced 19 different people’s groups to public readers in English, mainly targeted at a growing number of foreign visitors in need of understanding the cultural diversity Sri Lanka has to offer. This paper will observe the presentation of these different groups of people, the role music and allied arts play in this context. Considering the non-scholarly design of the publication, a discussion of the role of music and allied arts has to be supplemented through additional analyses based on sources mentioned by the 21 participating scholars and their fragmented application of available knowledge. In result, this paper might help improve the way facts about groups of people, the way of grouping people, and the way of presenting these groupings are displayed to the world beyond South Asia. This fieldwork and literature guided investigation should also lead to suggestions for ethical principles in teaching and presenting of culturally different music practices within Sri Lanka, thus adding an example for other case studies.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 66-71
Author(s):  
Balasubramaniam M ◽  
◽  
Sivapalan K ◽  
Tharsha J ◽  
Sivatharushan V ◽  
...  

2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (69) ◽  
pp. 55-76
Author(s):  
Boženko Đevoić

ABSTRACT This article gives an overview of the 26 year long ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka and examines physical reconstruction and economic development as measures of conflict prevention and postconflict reconstruction. During the years of conflict, the Sri Lankan government performed some conflict prevention measures, but most of them caused counter effects, such as the attempt to provide “demilitarization”, which actually increased militarization on both sides, and “political power sharing” that was never honestly executed. Efforts in post-conflict physical reconstruction and economic development, especially after 2009, demonstrate their positive capacity as well as their conflict sensitivity. Although the Sri Lankan government initially had to be forced by international donors to include conflict sensitivity in its projects, more recently this has changed. The government now practices more conflict sensitivity in its planning and execution of physical reconstruction and economic development projects without external pressure.


Asian Survey ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 215-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amita Shastri

Embroiled in a civil war for two decades, a peace process was reinitiated in Sri Lanka with international support. Has Sri Lanka finally turned the corner from war? This article argues that major progress has been made by the United National Front government in opening a dialogue with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. Yet, major hurdles remain: support by the Tigers for a political solution remains conditional, they have not laid down their arms, and negotiating an agreement about the prospective political structure promises to be problematic.


ICL Journal ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 281-306
Author(s):  
Danushka S Medawatte

AbstractIn this paper, I attempt to examine the evolution of judicial review of legislation in Sri Lanka with a view to better understanding how it has impacted the democratic fabric and constitutional matrix of Sri Lanka. The impact that judicial review of legislation has had on rights jurisprudence, enhancement of democracy, prevention of persecution against selected groups are analysed in this paper in relation to the Ceylon Constitutional Order in Council of 1946 (‘Soulbury’ Constitution) and the two autochthonous constitutions of Sri Lanka of 1972 and 1978. The first part of the paper comprises of a descriptive analysis of judicial review of legislation under the three Constitutions. This is expected to perform a gap filling function in respect of the lacuna that exists in Sri Lankan legal literature in relation to the assessment of the trends pertaining to judicial review of legislation in Sri Lanka. In the second part of the paper, I have analysed decided cases of Sri Lanka to explore how the judiciary has responded to legislative and executive power, and has given up or maintained judicial independence. In this respect, I have also attempted to explore whether the judiciary has unduly engaged in restraint thereby impeding its own independence. The third part of the paper evaluates the differences in technique and stance the judiciary has adopted when reviewing draft enactments of the national legislature and when reviewing draft or enacted statutes of Provincial Councils. From a comparative constitutional perspective, this assessment is expected to provide the background that is essential in understanding the island nation’s current constitutional discourse, transitional justice process, and its approach to human rights.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 227-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emile Badarin

This article explores the theoretical bases of the Israel-Palestine peace process to see how that impacts peacebuilding and everyday life in Palestine. It begins by examining the lens through which classical and contemporary realist and liberal thought approaches peace, nonpeace, war, and peacebuilding. Second, it examines how knowledge production on peacebuilding has been applied in the Israel-Palestine peace process based on selected confidential documents from the negotiations’ record that was made available in the so-called Palestine Papers published by the Al Jazeera Transparency Unit in 2011. My analysis of this source reveals how an embedded security and market metaphor regulated the Israel-Palestine peace negotiations. I argue that in an ambiguous context of decades-long negotiations, the results are in effect a “buyout” in which security is understood in exclusionary terms by the powerful side.


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