China

Author(s):  
Zhengxu Wang ◽  
Anastas Vangeli

In China, the ruling Chinese Communist Party’s rules govern the terms and tenures of party and state leaders. This chapter recounts the evolution of the party-state’s term-related rules from the Mao (1949–78) to the Deng (1980s–90s) and post-Deng (1990s–2012) eras. Formal rules developed from the 1980s through the 2010s to govern the tenure of party leaders and officials, which led to formal and predictable elite turnovers within the system, up to its very top level. By the turn of century, the paramount leader, who concurrently serves as general secretary of the Party, state president, and chairman of the Central Military Commission, had been brought under the same set of rules. The current president Xi Jinping appears to have opened a new era in which the rules governing the tenure and replacement of the top leader will have to be rewritten. We examine the various possibilities lying ahead.

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 87-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jérôme Doyon

Since Xi Jinping took power in late 2012, analysts have puzzled over how best to define his political trajectory. Is he consolidating power and building a personality cult around himself, or is he strengthening the Party as an organisation? I tackle this issue by focusing on the transformation of personnel policies under Xi. I highlight an increasing concentration of power in the hands of Party leaders at all echelons. At the institutional level, the Party increasingly controls the management and disciplining of officials. At the level of the individual cadres themselves, promotion processes are increasingly managed behind closed doors and less importance is being given to objective criteria for cadre advancement. The age-based rules which structured the promotion of officials and ensured a high level of personnel turnover within the party state are also de-emphasised. I argue that these changes are paving the way for a more clientelist and aging party state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 20
Author(s):  
Tingting Rao

Since General Secretary Xi Jinping put forward important conclusions on ideological and political education, there has been a wave of curriculum ideological and political construction in the teaching of professional disciplines in colleges and universities, which has provided guiding ideas and methods to implement morality building and people cultivating for professional discipline teaching, and has achieved remarkable results. Therefore, this article briefly discusses the connotation of ideological and political courses, and considers the core and methods of ideological and political construction of piano teaching in combination with piano teaching in colleges and universities, hoping to provide some references and inspirations for colleagues in the industry, promote the smooth progress of the ideological and political construction of piano teaching courses in colleges and universities, and achieve ideal results.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (7) ◽  
pp. 204
Author(s):  
Yu Lin

Under the overall leadership of the party, colleges and universities have established a good education for people’s satisfaction and long-term development. The efficient and connotative development is closely related to the party’s leadership. In the new era, vocational colleges need to adhere to the ideological guidance of General Secretary Xi Jinping and use political construction. In order to lead, promote the construction of the party, grasp the direction of running a school, strengthen the theory, establish a professional team of cadres to promote the implementation of relevant decisions, and effectively promote the quality of party building work, and provide for Lide Shuren Guaranteed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 36-59
Author(s):  
Yingzi Wang ◽  
Sabina Mihelj

This paper examines changing representations of women in Chinese television dramas since the early 1990s and interprets them within a framework of global socialist media cultures, considering both domestic developments and transnational trends. Drawing on the analysis of three selected dramas, it traces the trajectory of televised femininity from exemplary socialist worker-citizens devoted to family and community, to more individualized middle-class urbanites. It is tempting to see this transformation as an outcome of China's integration into the global capitalist economy, the attendant retreat of the party-state from the private realm, and the infusion of Western cultural gender ideals. Yet this interpretation downplays important continuities, and misses intriguing parallels with TV dramas produced in socialist Eastern Europe. The argument pays particular attention to the enduring appeal of the socialist-style superwoman who shoulders the double burden of a professional career and unpaid domestic work while also acting as a discerning citizen-consumer.


2019 ◽  
Vol 75 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-154
Author(s):  
Sanjeev Kumar

In recent years, there has been a rise in China’s profile in South Asia. It is no surprise that Chinese experts have used terms, such as ‘new springtime’ in China–South Asia relations, ‘rediscovery of the strategic status of South Asia’ and ‘most relevant region with regard to the rise of China’.    The objective of this article is to examine the nature and drivers of China’s South Asia policy, especially under the leadership of Xi Jinping vis-à-vis China’s policy towards the region in the past. It is not sufficient to only examine international factors or foreign and security policy in the context of the neighbouring region, such as South Asia. China’s ‘domestic periphery’ presents a significant threat to its national security. These areas are linked to neighbouring countries of South Asia and Central Asia. The announcement by Chinese President Xi Jinping of a ‘New Era’ or ‘third era’ in the history of Communist Party of China (CPC) represents a China which is known for its dictum ‘striving for achievement’ ( fenfa youwei). This is different from the second era’s policy of ‘keeping a low profile and biding the time’ proposed by Deng Xiaoping. Of course, the name of Mao Zedong is synonymous with the first era beginning from 1949.


Problemos ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 77 ◽  
pp. 129-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leo Luks

Šiuo straipsniu siekiama parodyti, kad postmetafizinė filosofija turėtų liautis mėgdžiojusi formalias mokslo taisykles ir verčiau suintensyvintų dialogą su menu, o ypač – su literatūra. Daugiausia remiamasi Gianni Vattimo, pasak kurio turėtume priimti nihilizmą ir sutikti, kad joks teorinis naratyvas nėra teisingas epistemologine prasme ir negali pretenduoti į atitiktį realybei. Remiantis nihilizmu kaip prielaida, tenka pripažinti radikalų kontingentiškumą, vadinasi, sutikti, kad jokia samprotavimo linkmė nebus amžina. Taip filosofinis mąstymas tampa silpnuoju, atsisako savo paties validumo pretenzijų, ir prasideda nauja filosofijos ir literatūros dialogo epocha, paženklinta jų susiliejimo žyme.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: nihilizmas, hermeneutika, literatūra, niekis, postmodernus.The Fusion of Philosophy and Literature in Nihilist ThoughtLeo Luks SummaryIn this paper, I will attempt to demonstrate that post-metaphysical philosophy should cease its attempts to imitate the formal rules of science and rather intensify its dialogue with art, especially literature. I will draw on the philosophy of Gianni Vattimo, according to whom we should accept nihilism and admit that no theoretical narrative is true in the sense of corresponding to reality. Acceptance of nihilism amounts to the acceptance of radical contingency, where no line of argument is everlasting. As philosophical thinking is weakened in this manner, and as it lets go of the presumption of its own validity, a new era will arrive in the dialogue between philosophy and literature by their fusion.Keywords: nihilism, hermeneutics, literature, nothingness, postmodern.: 18px;"> 


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 87
Author(s):  
Wei Zheng ◽  
Qing-Xiang Feng

Since the 18th CPC national congress, the development of socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered into a new era. In the new context of development, Chinese President Xi Jinping has put forward the Belt and Road Policy. The Belt and Road Policy is not only a major decision for China to promote regional economic integration and international economic and trade exchanges, but also a project to spread traditional Chinese culture. The Belt and Road Policy initiative bears the mission of spreading the Chinese civilization and building a community with a shared future for humanity. It attempts to provide a set of Chinese solutions to the bottleneck of global development and demonstrates the cultural confidence of the CPC.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Weihe Sun

In recent years, with the further promotion of the concept of quality-oriented education, universities and middle schools have set up a system to further implement the high-quality humanistic quality work proposed by General Secretary Xi Jinping, comprehensively promote the process of education modernization, continuously improve the quality of personnel training, and provide high-quality and high moral talents for the society. Based on the first perspective of college students, this paper explores the implementation mode of innovative education in the bridging stage between high school and university.


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