Economic Regionalism

2019 ◽  
pp. 179-218
Author(s):  
Anastassia V. Obydenkova ◽  
Alexander Libman
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Indirect Effect ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Russian Foreign Policy ◽  
Regional Organizations ◽  
Eurasian Economic Union ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Long Line ◽  
Set Up

Unlike the CIS, the Eurasian Economic Union, which was set up in 2015, but follows a long line of regional organizations which existed since 1995, focuses exclusively on economic affairs. The chapter discusses the governance and the membership of the EAEU, as well as its economic and political implications. It analyzes possible influences of the EAEU on the political regimes of the member countries, and concludes that the EAEU itself does not seem to exercise autocracy-promoting influences. However, the chapter shows that, by studying the EAEU, it is important to take into account an indirect effect: the existence of the EAEU triggers changes in Russian foreign policy, which in turn can contribute to the stabilization of authoritarian regimes.

scholarly journals The role of the Republic of Kazakhstan in geopolitical transformation in the framework of the «Eurasian project»

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-202
Author(s):  
M. M. Nurtazin
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Role ◽  
Policy Documents ◽  
Eurasian Economic Union ◽  
The Status ◽  
Soviet Space ◽  
Economic Union ◽  
Post Soviet Space

In the process of researching the geopolitical transformation of the post-Soviet space as a «Eurasian project», the author uses the method of comparative analysis of the official foreign policy documents of the founding States of the Eurasian economic union. The author, highlighting Kazakhstan, Russia and Belarus as subjects of the «integration core» in the post-Soviet space, reinforces the integration aspirations of these countries with economic data indicating their growing interdependence during the decade preceding the creation of the Union in may 2014.It is shown that the sanctions regime imposed by the Western countries on Russia and their negative impact on the economy of the EEU did not reduce the political will of the leaders of the «Troika» to continue further integration.A detailed research of the policy statements (publications) of the political leaders of the EEU «integration core» allows to determine the special role of Kazakhstan and its President N. Nazarbayev in the implementation of this large-scale geopolitical project.The author in considering programmatic foreign policy documents of Kazakhstan, Belarus and Russia offers to focus attention on the peculiarities of the positioning of the Eurasian economic union as integration entity. As a result, according to the author, the membership of Belarus in the «Eurasian project» was the result of a hard compromise for the Belarusian people. The Russian example shows that Moscow’s foreign policy vector was initially perceived by the EEU as a global project connecting Europe with the Asia-Pacific region. Now, however, Russia has positioned the EEU as a regional site. The author regards this as a decrease in the status of Eurasian integration and believes that this thesis looks very controversial. Kazakhstan, in turn, sees the «Eurasian project» as an opportunity to join the global economic chains. Thus, Astana attaches to the EEU exclusively global significance.The position of the Kazakh leader in the course of meetings with Western leaders is emphasized. The leader of Kazakhstan traditionally positions the EEU as an adequate and successful economic integration entity with which it is necessary to establish cooperation in all spheres. This allows him to be assigned the status of «advocate» of the «Eurasian project». At the same time, the article notes the support of the Eurasian views of N. Nazarbayev on the ideas of classical Eurasians P. Savitsky, G. Florovsky, N. Trubetskoy, G. Vernadsky, S. Solovyov, L. Gumilev.It is concluded that in the conditions of the remaining anti-Russian sanctions regime Kazakhstan’s participation in the EEU is one of the main factors of the legitimization of integration education at the regional and global levels. 

scholarly journals Тhe Russian publicist Alexandre Baschmakoff on the Macedonian question in letters and journalism (1899)

2021 ◽  
pp. 33-59
Author(s):  
Maria M. Beklemisheva
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Ethnic Composition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sources Of Information ◽  
Russian Foreign Policy ◽  
Main Attention ◽  
Historical Source ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
First Time

The article studies the views of the Slavophile Alexandre Baschmakoff on the essence and solution of the «Macedonian question» in 1899 developed in his book «Bulgaria and Macedonia» and archival letters to Count N. P. Ignatiev, the latter for the first time used as a historical source. Special aspects of the representation of facts in Baschmakoff’s book and letters are highlighted. In addition the author documents the unofficial manner of his trip. It is shown that Baschmakoff sought to reach Macedonia by the time of the alleged general uprising and become a mediator between the rebels and official Russia. One of the main sources of information about the political situation in the region for him during the trip were testimonies of Bulgarian oppositionists, while his concept of ethnic composition in Macedonia was based on his own observations. The main attention in the work is paid to Baschmakoff’s ideas about the necessary Russian foreign policy course in Bulgaria and Macedonia in 1899: in his opinion, the goal of Russian diplomacy should have been an establishment of autonomy in Macedonia avoiding war and an active foreign policy course towards the Balkans.

Anthropological realism in a scientistic age

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Herzfeld
Keyword(s):  
Social Experience ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Critical Thought ◽  
Sharp Distinction ◽  
Audit Culture ◽  
Anthropological Theory ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Realist Position ◽  
Political Advantage

Anthropology is a realist discipline. In this article, I draw a sharp distinction between realism and scientism, or objectivism, arguing that realism requires the recognition of the contexts and contingency of all knowledge, including ethnography, whereas scientism – a rhetoric that invokes science as its source of authority – paradoxically occludes recognition of its own context of production. A realist position, anchored in social experience and aware of the limitations that such an entailment involves, is thus far better situated to explore the political implications of anthropological theory, especially in a world where market consumerism, neoliberalism and audit culture, as well as certain authoritarian regimes, have, to their political advantage, substituted quantitative rhetoric for critical thought.

scholarly journals The Idea of a “Greater Europe” in Russian Foreign Policy: Past and Present

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 438-447
Author(s):  
Anatoly V. Tsvyk ◽  
Konstantin P. Kurylev
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Russian Foreign Policy ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
The World ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
The Eu

This article examines the notion of a Greater Europe in Russian foreign policy from the 1990s to the present. The idea developed as the Russian government sought to establish its national and civilizational identy in the wake of the USSRs dissolution. At the turn of the 21st century, Moscow embraced the idea of a rapprochement with the rest of Europe. Pursuing the notion of Greater Europe, to create a single continental economic, political and cultural space, became a major diplomatic objective as it developed a strategic partnership with the European Union. However, in more recent years its outlook on the world has changed. Furthermore, after relations with Brussels deteriorated in the wake of the Ukrainian crisis and the latters imposition of sanctions has also affected Russian foreign policy. This article considers the emergence and evolution of the idea of a Greater Europe, and examines possible ways to realize this ambition. It argues that a EAEU-EU combination could become a basis for implementing this concept. However, any potential rapprochement can only be possible when the political barriers the EU established in its relations with Russia and the EAEU are removed.

A Note on The Political Implications of Proxenia In The Fourth Century B.C.

1958 ◽  
Vol 8 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 185-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Perlman
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Fourth Century ◽  
Main Line ◽  
The Political ◽  
Popular Vote ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The City

In his speech against Meidias Demosthenes describes the arrogant and proud behaviour of his opponent in which Meidias persists in spite of the popular vote condemning him. Whenever there is voting, Demosthenes says, Meidias is put forward as a candidate; he is the proxenos of Plutarch, he knows everything, the city is too small for his aspirations. This illustration of the enormous popularity of an Athenian politician shows his predominant influence in the two spheres of domestic and foreign policy. The main line of this foreign policy —the passage is obviously intended as an accusation—is expressed by the relationship of proxenia and xenia between Meidias and Plutarch, the leading politician of Eretria who, pro-Athenian at first, changed his attitude and almost brought disaster on the Athenian army intervening in Euboea.

The Political Implications of the Vedel Report

1972 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 426-433
Author(s):  
Mary T. W. Robinson
Keyword(s):  
Working Party ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
The Political ◽  
Group I ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Personal Assessment

THE VEDEL GROUP HAD THE DISTINCTION OF BEING THE FIRST such working party set up by the Commission of the European Communities involving the ten countries of the proposed enlarged Community. The membership of fourteen reflected the model for the new Commission, one from the smaller and two from the larger countries. The decision was taken by the Commission on 22 July 1971 to set up a working party of independent experts to advise it in its preparations for the summit the following year, in which one of the headings for discussion by the heads of governments of the ten countries would be the institutions of the Community. The Group first met in October 1971 with a mandate ‘to examine all the implications of extending the powers of the European Parliament’. It reported on 25 March 1972.As a member of the Group I shall attempt a personal assessment of the political implications of the report. I have not consulted with any of my thirteen colleagues; I do not purport to represent their views, nor are they to be taken as sharing or endorsing in any way my personal analysis in this article.

scholarly journals The Political Dimension of the Nord Stream – 2 Project

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-24
Author(s):  
Andrey Manoilo ◽  
Ilya Katkov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Russian Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Nord Stream

The research featured the political role of the Nord Stream 2 project in Russian foreign policy and in building constructive relations with Russia's partners in the European Union. The paper describes the strategy, tactics, forms, and methods involved in the cross-border pipeline project implemented by Russia and its foreign partners. The focus is on the political relations between the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Russian state-owned corporations, foreign governments, and foreign multinational corporations, i.e. the negotiations within the international consortium. The research objective was to identify the role of cross-border pipeline projects in Russian foreign policy in Europe. The methodological basis included system and comparative-political approaches, as well as the methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, and deduction. The methods of political comparativistics revealed how the competing parties were able to affect the negotiations and implementation of Nord Stream 2. The method of system analysis made it possible to examine the interactions between the state structures and the oil and gas companies. The authors identified the conflict directions between the supporters and the opponents of the project, as well as between the Russian Federation and the United States of America. The paper describes the political tools that promote the interests of the project in conditions of acute rivalry in the energy area. The Russian Federation and Gazprom managed to bring the project to its final stage. However, the success would have been impossible without the help of their European partners.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document