Albanian Transnational Social Field and Diaspora Entrepreneurs

Author(s):  
Maria Koinova

This chapter and the following Chapter 5 are interconnected as they both discuss Albanian diaspora mobilizations. This chapter lays out political dynamics in the Albanian transnational social field and presents the profiles of the four types of diaspora entrepreneurs that operate within it. Incomplete nation-building and state-building processes have left Albanians scattered throughout the Balkans since the early twentieth century, where they currently live as either majorities or minorities. Weak state capacities of Kosovo alongside those of adjacent fragile states, as well as problematic treatment of Albanians where they are minorities, most notably North Macedonia and Serbia, have created dynamics conducive for Albanians to emigrate from the region and mobilize in the diaspora. Kosovo’s independence was a goal not simply for Albanians from Kosovo but was widespread among other diaspora Albanians until the 2008 independence. Albanians socialized with each other in the diaspora, irrespective of their original homeland, thereby forging bonds and seeking Kosovo’s statehood through a transnational social field perspective. More recently, another field-wide idea has emerged, of an ‘Albanian space’ formed through the EU integration of Balkan states with Albanian populations. This chapter presents data on migration in the Albanian field, in the Balkans and globally, and specifies the individual profiles of Albanian diaspora entrepreneurs.

Author(s):  
Maria Koinova

This chapter and the following Chapter 7 are interconnected as they both discuss Palestinian diaspora mobilizations. This chapter focuses on the transnational social field and the four types of diaspora entrepreneurs connected not simply to the West Bank and Gaza but also to Jerusalem, Palestinian camps in Lebanon, Jordan, Egypt, and other fragile states in the Middle East. The 1948 ‘great dispersal’ of Palestinians became a pivotal point for refugee migration and subsequent commemoration in the diaspora. The PLO secularist nationalist movement and Islamic movements have developed rich exile politics since the 1970s–1980s. The 1993 Oslo Accords presented an opportunity for embedding the diaspora-based PLO into homeland territory and establishing an internationally endorsed local government under PNA leadership. Islamic networks existed in parallel, drawing more strength from the failed peace process and gaining momentum with the second intifada after 2000. It paved the way for Hamas to win elections in 2006 and establish alternative governance in Gaza, which has been disputed ever since. The polarization of domestic politics was transposed to the diaspora. There are many disagreements in this field on what is the main goal of the Palestinian cause beyond ending occupation of the Palestinian territories. For some, achieving statehood is important, advocating either a two-state or a one-state solution. For others, a solution for refugee return needs to be prioritized. This chapter presents data on migration in the Palestinian field, in the Middle East and globally, and specifies the individual profiles of Palestinian diaspora entrepreneurs.


Author(s):  
Maria Koinova

This chapter and the following Chapter 9 are interconnected as they both discuss Armenian diaspora mobilizations. This chapter focuses on the transnational social field and the four types of diaspora entrepreneurs. Armenians have lived in the Caucasus and the Middle East prior to the 1915 Armenian genocide, a defining moment historically and especially for the diaspora. Self-determination claims of Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh have been interconnected historically, considered part of ‘Eastern Armenia’. They both seceded from the Soviet Union in 1991. An independent Armenia was internationally recognized as a state, unlike the de facto state of Karabakh, unrecognized at present. A devastating 1988 earthquake and a war between Armenia and Azerbaijan over Karabakh (1992–4) created opportune moments for the diaspora in Western countries to connect to Armenia and Karabakh. The diaspora in Europe was primarily formed by survivors and descendants of the Armenian genocide, with roots in ‘Western Armenia’ in Turkey and the larger Middle East, and organized by diaspora parties. Fragility of statehood in Armenia and Karabakh, and recurrent violence and authoritarianism in the Middle East continued to create push factors for Armenians to emigrate across the globe and for the diaspora to mobilize. The highest priority in the diaspora, especially in Europe, remained the recognition of the Armenian genocide, while Karabakh’s recognition and supporting Armenia took a back seat. The chapter presents data on migration in the Armenian field, in the Caucasus, the Middle East and globally, and specifies the individual profiles of Armenian diaspora entrepreneurs.


Author(s):  
Stefanos Katsikas

Drawing from a wide range of primary archival and secondary Greek, Bulgarian, and Turkish sources, the book explores the way the Muslim populations of Greece were ruled by state authorities from Greece’s political emancipation from the Ottoman Empire in the 1820s up to the country’s entrance into World War II, in October 1940. In particular, the book examines how state rule influenced the development of the Muslim populations’ collective identity as a minority and how it affected Muslim relations with the Greek authorities, Greek Orthodox Christians, and other ethnic and religious groups. Greece was the first country to become an independent state in the Balkans and a pioneer in experimenting with minority issues. With regards to its Muslim populations, Greece’s ruling framework, and many of the country’s state administrative measures and patterns were to serve as a template at a later stage in other Christian Orthodox Balkan states with Muslim minorities (e.g., Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia, Cyprus): Muslim religious officials were empowered with authorities they did not have in Ottoman times, and aspects of Islamic law (sharia) were incorporated into the state legal system to be used for Muslim family and property affairs. The book shows that these and any policies can be ambivalent and cannot be a guide to present-day solutions. It also argues that religion remained a defining element and that religious nationalism and public institutions played an important role in the development of religious and ethnic identity.


1997 ◽  
Vol 41 (10) ◽  
pp. 2196-2200 ◽  
Author(s):  
L J Lee ◽  
B Hafkin ◽  
I D Lee ◽  
J Hoh ◽  
R Dix

The effects of food and sucralfate on the pharmacokinetics of levofloxacin following the administration of a single 500-mg oral dose were investigated in a randomized, three-way crossover study with young healthy subjects (12 males and 12 females). Levofloxacin was administered under three conditions: fasting, fed (immediately after a standardized high-fat breakfast), and fasting with sucralfate given 2 h following the administration of levofloxacin. The concentrations of levofloxacin in plasma and urine were determined by high-pressure liquid chromatography. By noncompartmental methods, the maximum concentration of drug in serum (Cmax), the time to Cmax (Tmax), the area under the concentration-time curve (AUC), half-life (t1/2), clearance (CL/F), renal clearance (CLR), and cumulative amount of levofloxacin in urine (Ae) were estimated. The individual profiles of the drug concentration in plasma showed little difference among the three treatments. The only consistent effect of the coadministration of levofloxacin with a high-fat meal for most subjects was that levofloxacin absorption was delayed and Cmax was slightly reduced (Tmax, 1.0 and 2.0 h for fasting and fed conditions, respectively [P = 0.002]; Cmax, 5.9 +/- 1.3 and 5.1 +/- 0.9 microg/ml [90% confidence interval = 0.79 to 0.94] for fasting and fed conditions, respectively). Sucralfate, which was administered 2 h after the administration of levofloxacin, appeared to have no effect on levofloxacin's disposition compared with that under the fasting condition. Mean values of Cmax and AUC from time zero to infinity were 6.7 +/- 3.2 microg/ml and 47.9 +/- 8.4 microg x h/ml, respectively, following the administration of sucralfate compared to values of 5.9 +/- 1.3 microg/ml and 50.5 +/- 8.1 microg x h/ml, respectively, under fasting conditions. The mean t1/2, CL/F, CLR, and Ae values were similar among all three treatment groups. In conclusion, the absorption of levofloxacin was slightly delayed by food, although the overall bioavailability of levofloxacin following a high-fat meal was not altered. Finally, sucralfate did not alter the disposition of levofloxacin when sucralfate was given 2 h after the administration of the antibacterial agent, thus preventing a potential drug-drug interaction.


1970 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Monika Gawlak

Translator’s Double LifeThe manner of functioning of South Slavic literature translators in the social field is presented in the article as a case of “multiplied social participation”, participation in the “game”, which they treat as an incentive for cultural, intellectual and moral development in the individual and social dimension. Methodological considerations on the translation presented in the article are based on the concepts of Barnard Lahire, Pierre Bourdieu, and Roger Caillois.KEY WORDS: Bernard Lahire, Pierre Bourdieu, literary field, game, Roger Caillois, literary translation


2019 ◽  
pp. 17-36
Author(s):  
Ana-Teodora Kurkina

State Boundaries in the Minds of Men: Bulgarian Intellectuals Dividing the Balkans in the mid-19th CenturyThe correlation between the political imagination of intellectuals and their social ties is rarely linked to the state-building projects they produce. In most cases, political and social realities in regions do not coincide with the state boundaries sketched by intellectuals. Nevertheless, they do reflect the ideas of a narrow stratum of interconnected individuals that are easy to target and follow.The current text introduces and analyses the individual ties that laid the foundation for state-building creativity in the context of the mid-19th century empires. It suggests that elites occupy a different place in the social hierarchy of the forming nations, creating their preliminary state boundaries mostly based on their own interconnections and personal considerations. While their plans do not necessarily succeed, they usually reflect the nature of the debates and concerns of a relatively small group that conceives them.The case of the Bulgarian public actors in the mid-19th century offers a concentrated picture of a predominantly mobile intellectual elite engaged in the division of the Balkans. That elite included not only revolutionary thinkers like Georgi Rakovski, but also poets and journalists like his younger contemporaries, Hristo Botev and Lyuben Karavelov. Following their writings, one can produce a picture illustrating the correlation between state boundary-making and the imagination of intellectuals. While the Bulgarian example is easy to follow, it is not unique. The hypothesis can be transferred to other cases and other elites engaged in state-building debates, especially those isolated from the reality of their target group due to their position in the social hierarchy, emigrant status or conflicting affiliations. Государственные границы в сознании людей: деление Балканов болгарскими интеллектуалами в середине 19 века Корреляция между политическим воображением интеллектуалов и их социальными связями редко ассоциируется с проектами по конструированию государства, которые они создают. В большинстве случаев, политические и социальные реалии в различных регионах не совпадают с государственными границами, начертанными полити- ческими активистами. Они отражают идеи узкой прослойки контак- тирующих индивидумов, чьи действия легко увидеть и проследить.Данный текст рассматривает и анализирует личные связи политических активистов, которые заложили основы проектов по конструированию государства в контексте империй середины 19 века. Автор утверждает, что интеллектуальные элиты занимали особое место в социальной иерархии формирующихся наций, создавая предварительные государственные границы, базируя их на своих личных связях и идеях. Их планы не венчались успехом во всех случаях, однако, они отражали природу дебатов и интересов маленькой группы, которая их выражала, но никак не всего населения.Случай болгарских политических активистов середины 19 века представляет собой пример преимущественно мобильной элиты, вовлеченной в раздел Балканского полуострова. Эта элита включала в себя не только революционных мыслителей как Георгий Раковский, но также поэтов и публицистов как его младшие современники Христо Ботев и Любен Каравелов. Анализируя оставленные ими письменные документы, можно воспроизвести модель, иллюстрирующую корреляцию между конструированием государственных границ и политическим воображением интеллектуалов. Болгарский пример предлагает достаточное количество материала для проведения исследования, однако, он далеко не уникален. Данная система может буть перенесена на другие случаи, в которых фигурируют элиты, причастные к конструированию государственных границ. Наиболее подробно данная модель иллюстрирует деятельность представителей элиты, которые находятся в изоляции от своей целевой группы из-за своего положения в социальной иерархии, статуса эмигранта или противоречивых идентичностей. Granice państwowe w umysłach ludzkich: dzielenie Bałkanów przez bułgarskich intelektualistów w połowie XIX wiekuKorelacja między polityczną wyobraźnią intelektualistów a ich więziami społecznymi rzadko jest kojarzona z tworzonymi przez nich projektami budowy państwa. W większości przypadków regionalne realia polityczne nie pokrywają się z granicami państwowymi wyznaczonymi przez działaczy politycznych. Odzwierciedlają one idee wąskiej warstwy wzajemnie powiązanych jednostek, których działania można łatwo dostrzec i prześledzić.Niniejszy tekst analizuje osobiste powiązania aktywistów politycznych, którzy stworzyli podstawy dla projektów budowy państw w epoce imperiów połowy XIX wieku. Autorka twierdzi, że elity intelektualne zajmowały szczególne miejsce w społecznej hierarchii formujących się narodów, tworząc wstępne granice państwowe w oparciu o osobiste więzi i idee. Ich plany nie we wszystkich przypadkach były zwieńczone sukcesem, lecz odzwierciedlały specyfikę debat i interesów małej grupy, która je wyrażała, a nie całej ludności.Przypadek bułgarskich aktywistów politycznych połowy XIX wieku stanowi przykład mobilnej elity zaangażowanej w podział Półwyspu Bałkańskiego. W skład tej elity weszli nie tylko rewolucyjni myśliciele jak Georgi Rakovski, ale także poeci i publicyści jak Christo Botev i Luben Karavelov. Analizując pisane przez nich dokumenty, można odtworzyć model ilustrujący korelację pomiędzy konstruowaniem granic, a polityczną wyobraźnią intelektualistów. Bułgarski przykład oferuje wystarczającą ilość materiału do badania, lecz jest daleki od bycia wyjątkowym. Model ten może być przeniesiony do innych przypadków, w których biorą udział elity zaangażowane w konstruowanie granic państwowych, jednocześnie znakomicie ilustruje działalność przedstawicieli elit, którzy są odizolowani od grupy docelowej ze względu na sprzeczną z nią tożsamość, status emigranta lub pozycję w hierarchii społecznej.


Author(s):  
Goran Ilik

This chapter explores the key features of the concept of postnationalism, its modes, and theoretical implications regarding the European Union. The main research intention is to explore the EU as a model and an agent for reconciliation of the Balkan region. For that purpose, the main operative elements of both the South East European Cooperation Process and “Yugosphere” are examined. At the end, it is concluded that the emulation of EU postnational model by the Balkan countries enables the process of reconciliation. Hence, the Balkan states seems to be “forced” to cooperate with each other, in order to achieve their common objective – their full integration into the EU, which strongly confirms the role of the EU as an agent for reconciliation of the Balkans.


2012 ◽  
Vol 48 (No. 4) ◽  
pp. 166-170
Author(s):  
B. Boučková

Agricultural co-operatives play an important role in the European Union, as can be proved by their numbers in the individual EU countries. However, they have diversified during the last decades and developed from the “classical” co-operative of the Rochdale type into several forms, which do not always fully observe all the recognised co-operative principles. These are namely the share co-operatives, daughter co-operatives, “New Generation Co-operatives” and limited liability co-operatives. Among the individual EU countries, there are also considerable differences with regard to the co-operative legal frame. For the future, co-operatives can play important role both in the economic field and in the social field.


Subject Failing to form a state government. Significance Following the failure of the latest political agreement to form a state government, eleven months after elections, Bosnian Serb leader Milorad Dodik has threatened a series of moves that would in effect mean administrative separation of the Serb-dominated entity of Republika Srpska (RS) from the rest of Bosnia-Hercegovina (BiH). That would unravel the Dayton dispensation in Bosnia, possibly destabilising other fragile states in the Balkans. Impacts Dodik has threatened an RS breakaway for years but now seems set on such a move. The deteriorating situation in Bosnia and the Balkans can be directly linked with the disappearing prospect of EU enlargement. Stronger US engagement runs the risk of provoking further hardening Russian positions.


Author(s):  
S. Rıdvan Karluk

After the dispersion of the Soviet Union, the European Union embarked upon an intense relationship with the Central and Eastern European Countries. The transition into capital market and democratization of these countries had been supported by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 1989 before the collapse of the Soviet Union System. The European Agreements were signed between the EU and Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia on December 16th, 1991. 10 Central and Eastern Europe Countries became the members of the EU on May 1st, 2004. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania into the EU on January 1st, 2007, the number of the EU member countries reached up to 27, and finally extending to 28 with the membership of Croatia to the EU on July 1st, 2013. Removing the Western Balkan States, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Bosnia and Herzegovina from the scope of external relations, the EU included these countries in the enlargement process in 2005.The European Commission has determined 2014 enlargement policy priorities as dealing with the fundamentals on preferential basis. In this context, the developments in the Balkans will be closely monitored within the scope of a new approach giving priority to the superiority of law. The enlargement process of the EU towards the Balkans and whether or not the Western Balkan States will join the Union will be analyzed.


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