Organization of the Early ALN Guerrilla, 1954–7

2020 ◽  
pp. 291-303
Author(s):  
Neil Macmaster

The chapter examines the processes by which the earliest nationalist guerrilla forces of the ALN (Armée de libération nationale) began to make contact with peasant society in the Chelif and to organize support among the local population. The process was made particularly difficult because of a virtual civil war between the Messalist forces of the MNA, and the newly created FLN, each competing to create a peasant base. The initial small, and poorly equipped forces of the FLN often faced hostility from the inhabitants, but through collective, night-time propaganda meetings they began to create a new autonomous assembly, the nizam. Instead of assassinating or driving away the caids, as has often been claimed, the FLN recruited where possible the existing fraction headmen and field guards. During the propaganda drive led by political commissars the FLN was careful to shape its rhetoric and message to the culture and beliefs of a conservative peasantry.

Author(s):  
Sergei V. Lyovin

The Civil War is one of the largest tragedies in the history of our country. One of its dramatic episodes is the rebel movement led by A.S. Antonov which took place in the Tambov gubenia in 1920–1921 and was brutally suppressed by the Bolsheviks. Its scope is evidenced by the fact that it went beyond the borders of the Tambov gubernia. Separate detachments of Antonovites from the autumn of 1920 to the summer of 1921 raided the territory of the Balashov uyezd of the neighboring Saratov gubernia. The paper attempts to consider the way the uyezd authorities fought the rebels and the way civilians treated them. On the basis of an analysis of the local archival material most of which has not yet been put into scientific circulation, periodicals and the local history literature the author comes to the following conclusion: every time the invasions of Antonov’s detachments into the territory of the Balashov uyezd were so rapid that the local authorities did not manage to organize a proper rebuff, and the peasants, for the most part, supported the rebels since they saw spokesmen and defenders of their interests in them. Only frequent requisitions of peasants’ property by Antonovites as well as the replacement of the surplus appropriation system (Prodrazvyorstka) by the tax in kind (Prodnalog) led to the fact that since the spring of 1921 the support of the rebels by the local population ceased.


Author(s):  
Vladimir B. Bezgin

We examine the state of communes and farms, the attitude of the rural population to their organization and activities, as well as the state of collective farms on the eve and during the Tambov rebellion of 1920–1921. The relevance of the topic is determined by the need for a scien-tific understanding of the problem of insurrection in the Civil War and its manifestation in the form of a peasant rebellion led by A.S. Antonov. The purpose of the study is to establish the fate of collective farms during the armed protest of the Tambov peasants. The work was carried out on the basis of a wide range of archival sources, some of which are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. The analysis of the problem is carried out taking into account the achievements of modern historiography of the issue and the use of scientific tools of advanced methodological approaches. We apply the entire arsenal of methods of historical research based on the principles of historicism, objectivity and consistency. It is established that the armed raids of rebel detachments on agricultural communes, Soviet farms were due to the need of the partisans for food, horses, forage, and the active participation of the local population in them stemmed from their view of the land and property of collective farms as rightfully belonging to them.


2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (5) ◽  
pp. 755-769 ◽  
Author(s):  
Corinna Jentzsch ◽  
Stathis N. Kalyvas ◽  
Livia Isabella Schubiger

Militias are an empirical phenomenon that has been overlooked by current research on civil war. Yet, it is a phenomenon that is crucial for understanding political violence, civil war, post-conflict politics, and authoritarianism. Militias or paramilitaries are armed groups that operate alongside regular security forces or work independently of the state to shield the local population from insurgents. We review existing uses of the term, explore the range of empirical manifestations of militias, and highlight recent findings, including those supplied by the articles in this special issue. We focus on areas where the recognition of the importance of militias challenges and complements current theories of civil war. We conclude by introducing a research agenda advocating the integrated study of militias and rebel groups.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 858 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xi Li ◽  
Shanshan Liu ◽  
Michael Jendryke ◽  
Deren Li ◽  
Chuanqing Wu
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
George W. Breslauer

Mao’s formula for coming to power differed from the Bolshevik pathway. It entailed a peasant-based guerrilla war that helped to defeat Japanese occupation and that went on to defeat the Nationalist forces, led by Chiang Kai-shek, in conventional warfare after World War II was over. There were many differences between the Maoist and Soviet models of revolution, but there were also many similarities in the willingness to attempt a “socialist” revolution in a peasant society, in the glorification of revolutionary violence, in the determination to ensure that the communist party monopolizes power and politics after winning the civil war, in the determination to build socialism thereafter, and in the commitment to anti-imperialist struggle within a world communist movement led by Moscow.


2012 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 79-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ole Magnus Theisen ◽  
Helge Holtermann ◽  
Halvard Buhaug

Dominant climate models suggest that large parts of Africa will experience greater climatic variability and increasing rates of drought in coming decades. This could have severe societal consequences, because the economies and food supplies of most African countries depend on rain-fed agriculture. According to leading environmental security scholars, policymakers, and nongovernmental organizations, an increase in scarcity-driven armed conflicts should also be expected. A conditional theory of environmental conflict predicts that drought increases the risk of civil war primarily when it strikes vulnerable and politically marginalized populations in agrarian societies. However, an empirical evaluation of this general proposition through a unique gridded dataset of postcolonial Africa, which combines high-resolution meteorological data with georeferenced data on civil war onset and the local ethnopolitical context, shows little evidence of a drought-conflict connection. Instead, the local risk of civil war can be explained by sociopolitical and geographic factors: a politically marginalized population, high infant mortality, proximity to international borders, and high local population density.


Author(s):  
Ruslan Gagkuev ◽  
Svetlana Shilova

Introduction. The article focuses on the creation of Gorsko-Mozdock regiments of the Terek Cossack Host in the Early 1919 and their subsequent participation in combat operations. The article provides an overview of related historical literature and underlines the importance of further research into the history of the Terek Cossack Host during the Civil War and publication of historical sources. The introduction provides a detailed account of how Terek Cossacks were drafted to the Armed Forces of the South of Russia, and touches upon the difficulties associated with mobilization (not enough officers, undermanning, shortage of weapons and typhus outbreak). Materials. The article introduces a previously unavailable historical source – the order of Terek Cossack Host Mozdock division Ataman Yesaul S.N. Portyanko dated January 17, 1919 on the commencement of mobilization and formation of Cossack regiments. Analysis. The order demonstrates overly optimistic expectations of the Cossack leadership regarding the support of the local population and mobilization results. In real life, fast implementation of the command’s plans proved to be impossible due to the situation in Cossack stanitsas. The document shows the Cossack command’s commitment to mobilize all available resources in order to defeat the Soviet power. Results. The article sums up the considerations by pointing out that during the Civil War the majority of the Terek Cossack Host opposed the Soviet power and supplied considerable human resources to the Armed Forces of the South of Russia. Despite the aforementioned difficulties caused by the situation in the region, the formation of Cossack regiments went rather well, and soon these regiments were dispatched to the front. The efforts undertaken by the Terek Cossack Host in the war against the Soviet power in 1919–1920 show the Cossacks’ unwavering commitment to give their all to victory. Upon the evacuation of the Armed Forces of the South of Russia from the Black Sea coast to the Crimea, Terek Cossacks could no longer hope for reinforcement and were incorporated into other White military units.


Author(s):  
George W. Breslauer

After winning the Civil War, the Bolsheviks had to decide how and when to proceed to the stage of building socialism, given that they had come to power in a peasant society. The New Economic Policy, and the policy of “peaceful coexistence” toward foreign powers, were efforts to buy time to get the economy back on its feet, to prevent another foreign intervention, and to allow the regime to consolidate its monopoly further over the political realm. This period was also marked by debates over how to make the transition to socialism after this respite, debates that took place during a power struggle over the succession to Lenin.


Author(s):  
Pellumb Kelmendi ◽  
Amanda Rizkallah

Civil war is one of the most devastating and potentially transformative events that can befall a country. Despite an intuitive acknowledgment that civil war is a defining political moment in a state and society’s history, we know relatively little about the legacies of wartime social and political processes on post-war political development. Scholars and practitioners have written extensively on the effects of different war endings and international interventions on post-war political outcomes—particularly as they concern the maintenance of security and stability. However, this scholarship has tended to treat the wartime period as a black box. Until recently, this bias has precluded systematic efforts to understand how the wartime political and social processes and context preceding international interventions and peace agreements have their own autonomous effects on post-war politics. Some of these processes include regional and local patterns of mobilization, armed group structure, political polarization, and violence, among others. Focusing more closely on the post-war effect of variation in wartime processes can not only improve our existing understanding of outcomes such as peace duration and stability but can also improve our understanding of other political development outcomes such as democratization, party building, local governance, and individual political behavior and participation. However, some scholars have started investigating the effect of wartime processes on post-war political development at three broad levels of analysis: the regime, party, and individual levels. At the regime level, democratization seems most likely when the distribution of power among warring parties is even and in contexts where armed actors find it necessary to mobilize ordinary citizens for the war effort. The transition from armed group to peacetime party has also received attention. Armed groups with sustained wartime territorial control, strong ties with the local population, centralized leadership, and cohesive wartime organizations are most likely to make the transition to post-war party and experience electoral success. Moving beyond case studies to more comparative work and giving greater attention to the precise specification of causal mechanisms would continue moving this research agenda in a productive direction. In addition, some scholars have examined individual behavior and attitudes after civil war. A central finding is that individuals who experience victimization during civil war are more likely to engage in political participation and local activism after the war. Future research should go beyond victimization to examine the effects of other wartime experiences. Harnessing the insights of the rich literature on the dynamics of civil war and the parallel advances in the collection of micro-level data is key to advancing the research on wartime origins of post-war political development. Such progress would allow scholars to speak to the larger question of how state and society are affected and transformed by the process of civil war.


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