Last Words

2021 ◽  
pp. 231-258
Author(s):  
Lynda Mugglestone

This chapter explores both the end of war (and its accompanying diction), and the end of Andrew Clark’s ‘Words in War-Time’ project in 1919, and the afterlives that this reveals. The language of memory, and public and private memorialization, is an important part of this. Poppies, war shrines, and memorial services are all part of Clark’s process of attentive record. So, too, was the shifting language of the souvenir. As war ended, Clark, of necessity, also gathered his own last words. Nevertheless, as he stressed, trying to create a history of war-time usage in a single-handed project now seemed increasingly foolhardy. He was acutely aware of the imperfections of what he had achieved. ‘Words in War-Time’ remained incomplete and unrevised (Clark died in 1922) – an archive of scraps and annotations, both fascinating and frustrating. This chapter concludes by examining his legacies, insights, and the enduring value of his work.

Author(s):  
Amir A. Khisamutdinov

The article is devoted to the history of librarianship in Shanghai in the Russian emigration community. For the first time there is described the activities of public and private libraries, and paid attention to the individuals who contributed to forming of these funds.


Laws ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 36
Author(s):  
H. Howell Williams

Justice Amy Coney Barrett’s nomination and confirmation featured frequent references to her role as a mother. This article situates these references within the trajectory of American political development to demonstrate how motherhood operates as a mechanism for enforcing a white-centered racial order. Through a close analysis of both the history of politicized motherhood as well as Barrett’s nomination and confirmation hearings, I make a series of claims about motherhood and contemporary conservatism. First, conservatives stress the virtuousness of motherhood through a division between public and private spheres that valorizes the middle-class white mother. Second, conservatives emphasize certain mothering practices associated with the middle-class white family. Third, conservatives leverage an epistemological claim about the universality of mothering experiences to universalize white motherhood. Finally, this universalism obscures how motherhood operates as a site in which power distinguishes between good and bad mothers and allocates resources accordingly. By attending to what I call the “republican motherhood script” operating in contemporary conservatism, I argue that motherhood is an ideological apparatus for enforcing a racial order premised on white protectionism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 108-124
Author(s):  
Aleksey Grin'ko

Allocation of the burden of proof is a key issue of criminal procedure that is affected by multiple legal and social factors. Under due process principles, the defendant’s right to a fair and impartial trial is deemed to be the epicenter of the whole structure. However, efficient law enforcement is a prominent public interest that must be considered. This article explores the correlation between public and private interest in proving insanity under the law of New York, which provides great empirical background due to its long history of legal disputes and legislative changes. Considering the nature and structure of the burden of proof, the author concludes that there are several principles for its fair allocation: the due party that bears both the burden and the risk of its nonperformance; the feasibility of the burden; the adequate opportunity for the other party to rebut; the concentration of resources upon needs that are not presumed but in fact exist. All the mentioned principles lay the ground for the harmonization of constitutional guaranties for the defendant as well as the successful enforcement of criminal law. The current New York approach to insanity defense as an affirmative one along with the history of its implementation tends to prove its compliance with such requirements. This finding suggests that bearing the burden shall not be treated as impairment by default, but can protect both the interest of this party and the integrity of the whole process.


Author(s):  
Luigi Capogrossi Colognesi

This chapter gives a rapid overview of the history of Roman public and private institutions, from their early beginning in the semi-legendary age of the kings to the later developments of the Imperial age. A turning point has been the passage from the kingdom to the republic and the new foundation of citizenship on family wealth, instead of the exclusiveness of clan and lineages. But still more important has been the approval of the written legislation of the XII Tables giving to all citizens a sufficient knowledge of the Roman legal body of consuetudinary laws. From that moment, Roman citizenship was identified with personal freedom and the rule of law. Following political and military success, between the end of IV and the first half of III century bce Rome was capable of imposing herself as the central power in Italy and the western Mediterranean. From that moment Roman hegemony was exercised on a growing number of cities and local populations, organized in the form of Roman of Latin colonies or as Roman municipia. Only in the last century bce were these different statutes unified with the grant of Roman citizenship to all Italians. In this same period the Roman civil law, which was applied to private litigants by the Roman praetors, had become a very complex and sophisticated system of rules. With the empire the system did not change abruptly, although the Princeps did concentrate in his hands the last power of the judiciary and became the unique source of new legislation. In that way, for the first time, the Roman legal system was founded on rational and coherent schemes, becoming a model, which Antiquity transmitted to the late medieval Europe.


Race & Class ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 32-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neville Hoad

The author remembers his friend and colleague Barbara Harlow and provides an introductory context for the selection from her book-in-progress on Ruth First published in this special issue of Race & Class 60, no. 3 (2019). He describes just how Ruth First became of interest to Harlow, explaining the intersections of Ruth First’s personal history as a public intellectual with the history of decolonisation and the anti-apartheid movement, and the intersection of a ‘public’ and ‘private’ or domestic life. He speculates as to why the project of over thirty years remained unfinished in terms of a final publication.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 232-244
Author(s):  
Kyungmoo Heo ◽  
Yongseok Seo

Public interests in coming futures of Korea continue to be increasing. Fears on uncertainties and pending challenges as well as demands on a new but Korea-own development model trigger a quantitative increase of futures research and relevant organizations in both public and private. The objective of this paper is to review history of futures studies and national development plan and strategy linked with foresight along with its challenges and recommendations. This paper identifies drawbacks and limits of Korea foresight such as misapplication of foresight as a strategic planning tool for modernization and economic development and its heavy reliance on government-led mid- and long-term planning. As a recommendation, an implementation of participatory and community-based foresight is introduced as a foundation for futures studies in Korea. A newly established research institute, the National Assembly Futures Institute, has to be an institutional passage to deliver opinions of the public, a capacity-building platform to increase the citizen’s futures literacy, and a cooperative venue for facilitating a participation and dialogue between politicians, government officials, and researchers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 182-186
Author(s):  
Natalia Andreevna Tatarenkova

The paper deals with the problems of preserving objects of Russian history and culture in 1917-1927. The author analyzes contradictory processes in the cultural life of the Soviet state in the first post-revolutionary decade. Based on archival sources, she shows the activities of the departments for protection of art monuments and antiques, the role of creative intelligentsia in saving and museumification of cultural and historical values. For example, she describes the first state inventory of art and historical values, as well as realization difficulties of their protection policy in some provinces. There are also some wreck and ruin examples of nobilitys country estates. The author emphasizes the role of creative intelligentsia in saving and museumification of cultural values and characterizes some cultural workers of the designated era accentuating that they have corrected, to a certain extent, revolutionary nihilism of the authorities concerning the cultural heritage. Due to this fact, the 1920s became the Golden age in the history of museum business. During this period, public and private repositories replenished countrys museums with works of art and antiquities. The author concludes that the museumification of Church buildings and objects relating to divine worship was a way to save them for total destruction. The author uses new dates, gathered in the central and regional archives of Russian Federation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 754-763 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalia V. Gerasimova

The article is devoted to one of the Soviet State’s policy directions at the first stage of its existence, aimed at the preservation of cultural va­lues and the formation of museum art collections. The poorly studied question about the features of this policy implementation is revealed on the example of the TASSR (Kazan Province — before May 1920), where in the 1920s a whole network of museums was created; almost in each of them, an art department was organized. The appeal to this topic is relevant in connection with the opening of a large number of public and private museums, which face similar challenges, as well as the active scientific activities of museums to study their own collections, in the framework of creation of the State Catalogue of the Museum Fund of the Russian Federation. For the first time, the article introduces into scientific circulation a number of sources, on the basis of which the main directions of this activity, as well as the museums’ art collections themselves, are analyzed. In the TASSR, the interaction with the State Museum Fund (SMF) was carried out by the Department for Museums and Protection of Monuments of Art, Anti­quities and Nature, employees of which (P.M. Dulsky and P.E. Kornilov) were engaged not only in organization of the artworks’ transferring to museums, but also in their selection. The article states that, thanks to the SMF, the Central Museum of the TASSR had the most complete and valuable art collection, and an interesting collection was formed in the Kozmodemyansky District Museum, which was part of the Kazan Province until 1920. This study shows that the SMF was an important and effective mechanism for the implementation of state policy in the field of culture: its activities contributed to the creation of provincial museums’ collections, based on scientific principles and aimed at presenting the history of fine arts development.


Author(s):  
Donald Cohen

This chapter focuses on the right wing's astonishingly successful efforts to privatize public goods and services. Privatization has been one of the highest priorities of the right wing for many years, and the chapter shows how it threatens both labor and democracy. Intentionally blurring the lines between public and private institutions, private companies and market forces undermine the common good. This chapter documents the history of privatization in the United States, from President Reagan's early efforts to Clinton and Gore's belief in private markets. Showing how privatization undermines democratic government, the chapter describes complex contracts that are difficult to understand, poorly negotiated “public–private partnership” deals, and contracts that provide incentives to deny public services. With huge amounts of money at stake, privateers are increasingly weighing in on policy debates—not based on the public interest but rather in pursuit of avenues that increase their revenues, profits, and market share. Privatization not only destroys union jobs but also aims to cripple union political involvement so that the corporate agenda can spread unfettered. Nevertheless, community-based battles against privatization have succeeded in many localities, demonstrating the power of fighting back to defend public services, public jobs, and democratic processes.


Author(s):  
Dave Ayre

This chapter assesses the history of the relationship between public and private sectors and the extent to which the political and regulatory environment of governments and institutions such as the European Union (EU) can help or hinder the efforts of public bodies in seeking to deliver services that determine the health and quality of life for communities. The relationship of public and private sectors in the United Kingdom (UK) and the commissioning, procurement, and development of public–private partnerships is driven by the prevailing political and economic environment. However, rigorous academic research on the benefits of partnering to organisations, societies and between countries is limited. Evidence is needed to fill the policy vacuum. A bolder approach is necessary to work with public and private sectors to develop and implement successful partnering alternatives to the outsourcing of public services. The growing catalogue of outsourcing failures in construction, probation, rail franchising, health, and social care is creating an appetite for change, and the exit of the UK from the EU provides the opportunity.


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