Parties and the Political System

2021 ◽  
pp. 301-330
Author(s):  
Paul Webb ◽  
Tim Bale

Political parties in the UK today are widely seen as disappointing. This chapter examines the nature and causes of the present popular discontent by assessing how well parties perform political functions on behalf of the wider democratic system. It identifies shortcomings in this performance, for instance in parties’ roles in fostering representational and participatory linkage, and in the persistent policy problems which confront party governments. Equally, however, it is starkly apparent that they remain vital to the political system. Nevertheless, it is plain that there is considerable need and scope for reform. Although none is a panacea, important reforms might be made in the areas of party finance, the electoral system, and deliberative democracy.

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 675-684
Author(s):  
Johannes Krause

Despite the 2020 reform of Germany’s national parliament voting law, the debate about a robust voting system has not ended . Träger and Jacobs have convincingly shown that Naun­dorf’s suggestion to introduce a parallel voting system creates more problems than it solves, and thus more far-reaching approaches have to be considered . One way to stop the Bunde­stag from growing is to reject the two vote-system . Comparable to the system of Thuringia’s local elections, with open lists and three votes per voter, both the standard size of the Bun­destag can be safely adhered to and at the same time a personalized proportional represen­tation can be maintained . Among other advantages, the voters would have greater influence on the personalized composition of the Bundestag . In particular, reservations on the part of the political parties could stand in the way of such a sustainable solution to the ongoing problems with the German electoral system .


UK Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 121-143
Author(s):  
Andrew Blick

This chapter switches the focus to political parties. It looks at their individual roles and how they operate. The chapter discusses the parties that constitute the ‘party system’. It considers the two main parties operating at the UK level: the Conservative Party and the Labour Party. It also looks at the smaller parties, such as the Liberal Democrats. The chapter considers the political approach of the various parties and the type of support they attract. It also looks at how parties are funded. The chapter provides a number of theoretical perspectives to help with an analysis of political parties. These are: the extent to which parties pursue values or power; the respective roles of their members and leaders; groupings within parties; how far the UK has a two-party system or whether our definition of the party system should be revised; and the relationships between the various parities. The chapter then gives examples of how these ideas play out with specific focus on recent events involving the Conversative and Labour parties. The chapter asks: do members have too much influence over their parties? The chapter ends by asking: where are we now?


Author(s):  
Margaret Arnott ◽  
Richard Kelly

This chapter discusses the role of smaller parties in the law-making process. General elections in the UK are conducted with an electoral system which militates against the representation of smaller political parties, particularly those having no strong support at the regional level. However, events at Westminster over the last decade have increased the prominence of smaller parties in the operation of parliamentary business. The chapter first considers the role of small parties in the UK Parliament, committees and legislation, as well as their participation in backbench debates before examining how the political and electoral context of Parliament, especially in the twenty-first century, has affected the representation of smaller parties and the ways in which reforms to parliamentary procedure since the 1980s have enhanced the role of the second opposition party. It suggests that Parliament today offers more opportunities for smaller political parties to influence debate and policy, but this remains quite limited.


2018 ◽  
pp. 16-22
Author(s):  
Nataliya Khoma

The process of the formation of the party system of Cyprus was considered. The period from colonial to 1981 is covered. The factors that influenced the evolution of the parties of Cyprus, in particular the internal conflict, were underlined. Emphasizes the importance of the ethnic component of the population of Cyprus. The attention was paid to the role of the Orthodox Church in shaping the political system of Cyprus. The article analyzes the norms of the Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus (1960) concerning political parties, in which the focus was on the parliamentary aspect of party activity. The role of Archbishop Makarios III, the first president of Cyprus, for the further evolution of the party system in the 1960–70s was revealed. Presented chronology of the appearance of the main parties of Cyprus and their participation in elections and coalitions. The article emphasizes that after the accession of Cyprus to the EU in 2004, the party system of the state is experiencing the trend of the newest European tendencies on the national party palette: the level of people’s confidence in the parties is decreasing, the party identity is blurred, the voter turnout is gradually decreasing, new types of parties are emerging, Radicalization is notable and so on. The party system of Cyprus is special, even if only within the EU there is a pro-communist party (Progressive Party of the Labor People of Cyprus), represented in the European Parliament, among the leading political forces. It was emphasized that the political parties of Cyprus until 1974 were purely electoral mechanisms. The new stage of development began with the stabilization of the post-colonial political system of Cyprus. At this time, the church lost its past influence, and the majoritarian electoral system alienated itself. This led to a new stage in the development of the party system in the late 1970s. It is noted that the determining factor was the transition to a proportional electoral system and the introduction of mandatory participation of voters in the vote. It was emphasized that these legislative innovations became important factors in the development of the modern party system of Cyprus. Since that time, the Cypriot parties have become more independent and united in the coalition.


Author(s):  
Humberto Nogueira Alcalá

This article focuses on the constitutional and legal regulation of political parties in Chile, especially from de point of view of the political representation in a democratic system. It also focuses on the actual reform process of the electoral system and the political parties funding in this country.Este trabajo analiza la regulación constitucional y legal de los partidos políticos en Chile, especialmente desde la perspectiva de la representación política que éstos hacen posible en un Estado democrático. El artículo analiza, además, las modificaciones que actualmente se están discutiendo en este país, relativas al sistema electoral y a la financiación de los partidos políticos.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dr. Zahid Yasin ◽  
◽  
Iqra jathol ◽  
Dr. Muhammad Muzaffar

Since independence of Pakistan on 14 August, 1947; role Political parties are one of the most important and influential element of Pakistan’s politics. Two popular parties have had ruled various periods in Pakistan's history. This article tries to examine their participation and their role in politics and Pakistan’s democratic system. Question arises that how political parties and their actions influence on state’s democratic system. This document also seeks to debate the part of major political parties in the development process of Pakistan’s politics when they are in power or in opposition. The political system in Pakistan is not well developed. As a result, the people of Pakistani are deprived of adequate leadership, which is seen as a threat to Pakistan‘s national security or domestic system.


Author(s):  
Albert NOGUERA FERNÁNDEZ

LABURPENA: Aniztasun politikoa, Konstituzioaren 1.1. artikuluaren arabera, antolamendu juridiko espainiarreko balio nagusietako bat da, eta funtsezko baldintza sistema demokratiko guztientzat. Aniztasun politikoa gauzatu ahal izateko, bi elementu behar dira: bata subjektiboa (alderdi politikoen askatasuna), eta bestea objektiboa (gehiengodun ez diren alderdiek, hauteskundeen ostean, erabakiak hartzeko prozesuetan eragiteko aukera emango dien ekintza politikoa gauzatzen jarraitu ahal izatea kritika eta proposamen alternatiboak egiteko). Artikulu honek adierazten du, azken hamarkadetan sistema politikoan eta ekonomikoan egindako berregituratzeen ondorioz, aniztasun politikoa bermatzeko beharrezko diren bi elementu klasiko horiek murrizten ari direla, eta horrek eragin negatiboa izan dezakeela aniztasun politikoaren balioan. RESUMEN: El pluralismo político constituye, de acuerdo con el artículo 1.1 de la Constitución, uno de los valores superiores del ordenamiento jurídico español y condición fundamental para todo sistema democrático. La realización del pluralismo político requiere de dos elementos: un elemento subjetivo (la libertad de partidos políticos) y un elemento objetivo (la capacidad de los distintos partidos no mayoritarios de continuar desarrollando, después de las elecciones, una acción política de crítica y propuesta de alternativas que les permita influir en la toma de decisiones). Este artículo analiza cómo, fruto de la reestructuración del sistema político y económicos llevada a cabo en las últimas décadas, estos dos elementos clásicos necesarios para la garantía del pluralismo político podrían estar sufriendo una limitación que afectaría, en sentido negativo, al propio valor pluralismo político. ABSTRACT: Political pluralism is, in accordance with Article 1.1 of the Constitution, one of the highest values of the Spanish legal system and fundamental to any democratic system. The realization of political pluralism requires two elements: a subjective element (the freedom of political parties) and an objective element (the possibility of the various non-majority parties to continue developing, after the elections, a political action review and proposal alternatives allowing them to influence in the government decisions). This article analyzes how as result of the restructuring of the economic and political system held in recent decades, these two classic elements needed to guarantee political pluralism could be suffering a limitation that affect, in a negative sense, the political pluralism own value.


Author(s):  
Jaume Magre Ferrán

A pesar de los muchos años transcurridos desde la aprobación del Estatut de Sau, el año 1979, la prevista ley electoral no se ha llegado a aprobar y Catalunya se ha convertido en la única comunidad autónoma sin una ley electoral propia. El artículo realiza un itinerario entre las distintas propuestas de la formaciones políticas a través de cuatro décadas de sistema político catalán —a partir de los tres momentos en los que los partidos presentan sus modelos de sistema electoral— para acabar mostrando que la rigidez de la reforma del Estatuto de 2006 en lo que atañe a la aprobación de la Ley electoral, ha incentivado las posturas maximizadoras de los partidos políticos y ha dado cabida a las posiciones de veto, lo que ha restado eficacia a la negociación y a las posibilidades de pacto.Despite the many years that have elapsed since the adoption of the Sau Statute, in 1979, the electoral law has not been approved and Catalonia. It is the only autonomous community without its own electoral law. The article makes an itinerary between the different proposals of the political formations through four decades of the Catalan political system — from the three moments in which the parties present their electoral system models — to end up showing that the rigidity of the reform of the 2006 Statute regarding the approval of the Electoral Law, it has encouraged the maximizing positions of the political parties and has accommodated the veto positions, which has reduced the negotiation and the possibilities of agreement.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 122
Author(s):  
Kingsley E. Okoye ◽  
Chikwado Ezugwuorie ◽  
Francisca Onah

Literature on election is mostly anchored on how the voting exercise was carried out successfully or rigged in favour of one candidate over another. These scholars were only interested in analyzing the outcome of election with little or no effort to understand why electorates who cast their votes during election do not choose their leaders. While we acknowledged that vote buying, snatching of ballot boxes, intimidation, and different pattern of malpractices among others contributed to these, we equally noted that scholars have not really tried to find out why the electoral system in Nigeria could not allow candidates that would not only attract massive support but become irresistible during and after election. Therefore, what is often witnessed among presidential flag bearers in Nigeria are candidates who the electorates knew would not make significant impact if elected. As a result, make them (electorates) see voting during election as a routine exercise that must be fulfilled without enthusiasm or eagerness in carrying out such obligation. Election in this situation becomes so difficult that whoever is elected is not actually chosen by the electorates but is allowed to keep the country on track. These political parties are only interested on the radical nature of candidates who can withstand the campaign strategies leaving other areas like understanding - the political terrain of the country and having the will power to transform society against other odds. Until this issue is properly addressed and handled in the political system, voting in election will remain a mere process of choosing leaders that will neither attract peoples mandate nor sustain the democratic structures


2001 ◽  
Vol 49 (5) ◽  
pp. 877-900 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pippa Norris

The UK political system has long exemplified ‘majoritarian’ or ‘Westminster’ government, a type subsequently exported to many Commonwealth countries. The primary advantage of this system, proponents since Bagehot have argued, lie in its ability to combine accountability with effective governance. Yet under the Blair administration, this system has undergone a series of major constitutional reforms, perhaps producing the twilight of the pure Westminster model. After conceptualizing the process of constitutional reform, this paper discusses two important claims made by those who favor retaining the current electoral system for Westminster, namely that single-member districts promote strong voter-member linkages and generate greater satisfaction with the political system. Evidence testing these claims is examined from comparative data covering 19 nations, drawing on the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. The study finds that member-voter linkages are stronger in single member than in pure multimember districts, but that combined districts such as MMP preserve these virtues. Concerning claims of greater public satisfaction under majoritarian systems, the study establishes some support for this contention, although the evidence remains limited. The conclusion considers the implications of the findings for debates about electoral reform and for the future of the Westminster political system.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document