Communal Mobilization and Riots in Western Uttar Pradesh

2018 ◽  
pp. 222-272
Author(s):  
Sudha Pai ◽  
Sajjan Kumar

This chapter based on fieldwork in Muzaffarnagar and Shamli districts describes the communal incidents from 2011 onwards and the riots in September 2013. Contrasting narratives emerged from discussions with community leaders in Muzaffarnagar town and selected Jat-dominated and Muslim-majority villages forming the epicentre of the riots, which indicate high levels of aggression, a pogrom and Muslim exodus in some villages. The fieldwork revealed the deeply implicating role of political parties: local BJP leaders were aware of and in some cases involved in the rioting; SP leaders remained largely silent hoping to gain Muslim support in the 2014 elections. As the BSP’s support base and cadre straddles the Hindu, that is, Dalit and Muslim community, local leaders found it difficult to deal with the rioters. These developments indicate the successful creation in these districts particularly in the sample villages, of a system of institutionalized everyday communalism, visible two years after the riots.

Author(s):  
Homam Altabaa ◽  
Syed Arabi Idid

The significance of trust cannot be overestimated for an individual or a society. Its value may become more discernible when trust is not present and its opposites such as uncertainty, accusation and cynicism take over a person or a group. The major aim of this paper is to investigate the role of the Islamic worldview in building and explaining the trust levels discovered in the survey.  This paper first explores the religious dimensions and sociological implications of the concept of trust in Islam. The elements of trust in a host of Malaysian institutions are then analysed based on a survey conducted among Muslim respondents. This survey was conducted across Malaysia with hundreds of Malay/Muslim respondents. It covered social, public and governmental institutions. These include parents, siblings, relatives, spiritual/religious leaders, community leaders, friends, neighbours, teachers, the military, the civil service, the legal and judiciary system, the police, local big companies, mass media, the parliament, the federal government, political leaders, and political parties. The study concluded that some levels of trust towards certain institutions among Malaysian Muslims reflect the Islamic ideals of a Muslim community. However, the Islamic standards demand better outcomes from some institutions that are not highly trusted by the Muslim respondents. Keywords: Trust, Amanah, Islamic society, Trust in Malaysia, Institutional trust. Abstrak Elemen keyakinan dan kepercayaan individu mahupun masyarakat awam tidak boleh dipandang remeh. Jika tiada keyakinan atau terdapat percanggahan, maka wujudnya ketidakpastian, tuduhan dan curiga oleh individu atau kumpulan. Tujuan utama makalah adalah untuk mengkaji pandangan dari perspektif Islam dalam membangun dan menerangkan tahap kepercayaan terhadap institusi yang ditemui dalam tinjauan ini.  Makalah ini meninjau konsep yakin dari sudut pandangan Islam dan implikasi sosiologi. Satu tinjauan dilakukan bagi mengkaji tahap keyakinan terhadap beberapa institusi di Malaysia. Tinjauan ini dilakukan di seluruh Malaysia melibatkan ramai responden Melayu yang merangkumi institusi sosial, awam dan kerajaan. Institusi di sini bermaksud ibu bapa, adik beradik, sanak-saudara, pemimpin agama, pemimpin masyarakat, rakan, jiran, guru, tentera, penjawat awam, sistem perundangan dan kehakiman, polis, syarikat-syarikat besar tempatan, media massa, parlimen, kerajaan persekutuan, pemimpin politik, dan parti politik. Kata Kunci: Keyakinan, amanah, masyarakat Islam, keyakinan di Malaysia, keyakinan institusi.


2018 ◽  
pp. 132-177
Author(s):  
Sudha Pai ◽  
Sajjan Kumar

Chapter 3 based on fieldwork in Mau and Gorakhpur provides a rich description of everyday communalism and communal riots in 2005 and 2007, respectively. In Mau, incidents of everyday communalism have a distinct socio-cultural form visible in the confrontation around the Bharat-Milap ceremony. But, fieldwork revealed that the reasons lie in underlying tensions from the desire to protect religio-cultural practices, economic distress due to decline of the weaving industry, heightened political consciousness, and the role of the mafia within the Hindu and Muslim community, which the BJP has been able to exploit and engineer the 2005 riots. In Gorakhpur, communalism has a more distinctly political colour, the result of sustained religion-based mobilization by Yogi Adityanath and his HYV responsible for creating communal polarization, tension, and incidents culminating in the 2007 riots. In both towns a characteristic is mobilization to saffronize the Dalits taking them away from the BSP.


Asian Survey ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 55 (5) ◽  
pp. 969-990 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Kushner

How do political parties in developing countries, without access to accurate polling data, understand their voters? I examine the role that various sources of information play in political party platforms, and how the method of data collection affects parties’ policy and political efforts, primarily by using interview data from 2012 and 2013 with workers from four leading parties in Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous state. I theorize the role of party workers as a key conduit for information between party leaders and the voters they represent.


2010 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 359-373 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aasim I. Padela ◽  
Amal Killawi ◽  
Michele Heisler ◽  
Sonya Demonner ◽  
Michael D. Fetters

Author(s):  
Samsul Samsul ◽  
Zuli Qodir

The purpose of this research is to find out what causes the weakening of the capital of Andi's nobility in Palopo City in the selection of candidates for mayor and what is the role of Andi's nobility in political contestation. This type of research is descriptive qualitative. The results showed that the capital owned by Andi's aristocracy in Palopo City was. First, the social capital built by Andi's nobility had not been carried out in a structured way from relations with the general public, community leaders, with community organizations, to officials in the bureaucracy and most importantly, Political parties. Second, economic capital is an important thing that used in the Mayor Election contestation in the City of Palopo, Bangsawan Andi figure who escaped as a candidate for mayor does not yet have sufficient capital in terms of funds. Third, the cultural capital owned by Bangsawan Andi, who escaped as a candidate for mayor, still lacked a high bargaining value in political contestation in Palopo City. Fourth, the Symbolic Capital is a capital that sufficiently calculated in the mayor election dispute in Palopo City, namely the title of nobility obtained from the blood of the descendants of the Luwu kings, only it must be accompanied by other capital to elected in political contestation.


2013 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 489-520 ◽  
Author(s):  
Halim Rane

The role of Islam in the politics of Muslim-majority countries has attracted a plethora of scholarly research over the past two decades that generally refers to this phenomenon as political Islam. Much of the focus of this body of literature is concerned with the reconciliation of Islam and democracy. In recent years, the leading scholarship in this field has attempted to anticipate the future of political Islam and the prospect of post-Islamism. Asef Bayet's work on post-Islamists examines various social movements in the Middle East, arguing that Muslims have made Islam democratic by how they have defined Islam in respect to their particular socio-political contexts. However, others have expressed pessimism about the extent to which domestic conditions in Muslim-majority countries and external geopolitical factors will allow the development of an Islamic democracy. Abdelwahab El-Affendi, for instance, sees four main options for Islamists: full revolutionary takeover of their respective countries; completely withdrawing from political office to become Islamic interest or pressure groups; building broader coalitions while maintaining their ideology; or radically restructuring in order to emulate the model of Turkey's Justice and Development Party (AKP). What is missing in this discussion is attention to the capacity of Islamic political parties to draw on Islamic tradition and evolve in response to modernity through a focus on Islam's higher objectives or amaqasidapproach.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 334-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arolda Elbasani

AbstractThis article analyzes how the Muslim majority has engaged with, and contributed to parallel processes of democratization and European integration in post-Communist Albania. The assessment of Muslims' choices focuses on the Central organization, the Albanian Muslim Community, which is recognized by the state as the only authority in charge of all the administrative and spiritual issues pertinent to the community of Sunni believers, and serves as the main hub of respective religious activities in the country. The analysis of democratization, and Muslims' respective choices, are divided into two different periods, namely democratic transition (1990–1998) and democratic consolidation (1998–2013), each facing democratizing actors, including Muslim groups, with different challenges and issues. We argue that the existence of a useful pool of arguments from the past, the so-called Albanian tradition, has enabled Muslims to contravene controversial foreign influences and recast Islam in line with the democratic and European ideals of the Albanian post-communist polity. This set of historical legacies and arguments explain Muslims' similar positioning toward democracy throughout different stages marked by different institutional restrictions and state policies.


2018 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 531-542
Author(s):  
Anita Bhatnagar Jain

India, the biggest democracy, is over 70 years old. Besides other regulatory authorities, election commissions have played a pivotal role in its formation. State election commissions (SECs) got the constitutional footing via the 73rd and 74th Amendments in 1993. Articles 243K and 243ZA provided for the elections to panchayats and municipalities, respectively. The panchayats comprise of district, block and village levels, while the municipalities include three levels based on the slab of urban population. The present study focuses on the SEC of Uttar Pradesh on various variables, including service conditions of commissioner, organisational structure, increasing responsibility, budget, use of technology and electronic voting machines (EVMs), measures to ensure transparency and objectivity and so on. The study surmises the challenge of evolving complexion of SECs in the changing environment. However, the role of various political parties and citizens and the sensitive issues of electoral reforms have to be simultaneously addressed for ensuring real democracy.


Author(s):  
Nasrullah Muhammad Nur

The discussion on the role of Islamic political parties in Muslim-majority countries is a hot conversation not only among the political elite but also in the lower society. Is a political party based on Islam is right to fight for the rights of Muslims or just a mere mask behind the Religion alias in the name of Islam in order to achieve certain goals? This article highlights the issue of how the role of Islamic political parties or the participation of Islamic parties in building the welfare of the people mandated to them especially when they are in power. How can an Islamic party gain a vote, take the sympathy of society when many of the people who are in doubt about the labeling of Islam in the party.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-223
Author(s):  
Ahmad Lonthor ◽  
La Jamaa

This research aims to reveal the Moluccas local wisdom through the existence of marriage arbitrators among Muslim community in Salahutu, Leihitu, and West Leihitu, Central Maluku. The data were collected through observation and interviews with community leaders, marriage arbitrators and their married sisters and then analyzed descriptively and qualitatively. The research results showed that the marriage arbitrators come from a male distant relative who was appointed by custom as a part of the marriage custom. The appointment aims to strengthen the family relationship between the bride (married sister) and the arbitrator in which they can help each other. Traditionally, an arbitrator serves to help the bride in both material and non-material aspects, particularly in preventing domestic violence. He can become a mediator, peacemaker, and helper of the economic hardship as well as preventing the married sister from psychological domestic violence. Furthermore, he can also provide protection for his married sister from the threat of her husband’s physical violence. This research found that the role of marriage arbitrators as peacemakers in preventing husband’s violence against their married sisters is relevant to hakamain concept in Islamic law as well as the provisions of "safe houses by the community," in Law No. 23/2004.(Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengungkapkan peran kearifan lokal saudara kawin  pada masyarakat Muslim di Kecamatan Salahutu, Leihitu dan Leihitu Barat Kabupaten Maluku Tengah. Data dikumpulkan melalui observasi dan wawancara kepada tokoh masyarakat, saudara kawin dan saudari kawin kemudian dianalisis secara deskriptif kualitatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa saudara kawin adalah laki-laki dari kerabat jauh yang diangkat secara adat sebagai bagian dari adat perkawinan. Hal itu bertujuan untuk mempererat hubungan kekeluargaan antara saudara kawin dengan saudari kawinnya di mana keduanya bias saling membantu. Secara adat, saudara kawin bertugas membantu mempelai perempuan (istri) dalam hal material maupun non-material, utamanya untuk mencegah tindak kekerasan dalam rumah tangga si saudari kawin. Saudara kawin bisa berperan sebagai penengah, juru damai, sekaligus membantu kesulitan ekonomi keluarga saudari kawinnya, termasuk mencegah terjadinya kekerasan psikis saudari kawinnya. Lebih jauh, saudara kawin juga bisa berperan melindungi saudari kawinnya dari ancaman kekerasan fisik suaminya. Temuan penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa peran saudara kawin sebagai juru damai yang mencegah kekerasan suami kepada istri relevan dengan konsep hakamain dalam hukum Islam serta ketentuan ”rumah aman oleh masyarakat,” dalam Undang-undang RI Nomor 23 Tahun 2004)


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