Unity in Diversity

Author(s):  
Irfan Ahmad

This chapter analyses the manifestos of three political parties: AAP, BJP, and the Congress. Paying attention to their texts and visual symbolism, it argues that there were more similarities than differences among them. The discussion on similarity is organized under three headings: (a) Economy, Development, Religion; (b) Social Groups; and (c) International Relations and Security. The next section delineates minor differences unable to reflect dissensus, the core of the political for Rancière. It concludes with observations on the prevalent views that elections offer freedom of choice to show their limits, structural and theoretical. Following Rancière, it is argued that elections and their manifestos institute policies that inscribe the world differently as opposed to politics, which beckons to a possible different world.

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 527-535
Author(s):  
Akanksha Singh ◽  

International relations theories act as the guiding lantern to provide a simple yet powerful description of international phenomena such as war, expansionism, alliances and cooperation. Thus, the primary objective of this article is to analyze international relations theories, their roles and influence on global politics hereby bridging the gap between the abstract world of theory and the real world of policy. The article utilizes the Grand Chess Board and Heartland theories on the regional geopolitical processes in Eurasia. The core argument of the article is that theoretical perception creates regional identities, and states use these emerged identities to influence geopolitical traditions. The Grand Chess Board theory of Brzezinski states that in order to sustain its position as a global hegemon, the US needs to control and manage Eurasia. Moreover, this article analyses American foreign policy in Eurasia under the umbrella of the Grand Chess Board theory. The Chinese strategy towards Eurasia through the prism of Mackinder’s Heartland theory is also explored. By analyzing initiatives such as One Belt One Road (OBOR), the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the energy push in Central Asia, this article can serve as an examination into the Chinese taking up the mantle of the heartland to emerge as the land power of the 21st century


Politics ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Webb ◽  
Justin Fisher

This article analyses party employees, one of the most under-researched subjects in the study of British political parties. We draw on a blend of quantitative and qualitative data in order to shed light on the social and political profiles of Labour Party staff, and on the question of their professionalisation. The latter theme is developed through a model derived from the sociology of professions. While a relatively limited proportion of party employees conform to the pure ideal-type of professionalism, a considerably greater number manifest enough of the core characteristics of specialisation, commitment, mobility, autonomy and self-regulation to be reasonably described as ‘professionals in pursuit of political outcomes’.


1964 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kemal H. Karpat

The internal political life of Turkey since the revolution of 1960 JL has been beset by military coups and conflicts between political parties and social groups far more frequent and intensive than might normally be expected in a post-revolutionary period. This unrest contrasts sharply with the political stability which prevailed before 1960, and comes after a series of constitutional changes intended to establish a better system for orderly change and control of government.


Author(s):  
Aleksandr V. Gushchin ◽  

The present review is concerned with the participation of an associate professor of the Institute of Post-Soviet and Interregional Studies of RSUH in the project “Points of growth”. During the project activities, A.V. Gushchin gave lectures, presentations, took part in a situational analysis. The project “Points of growth”, which is an expert and educational platform for Eurasian integration, is dedicated to the core area of activity for Institute – the study and forecasting of international, socio-political, economic and cultural processes in post-Soviet Eurasia. The program of the forum platforms provides for meetings in the format of “Dialogue on equal terms” with the leading Rus- sian and foreign experts in the field of international relations, political science and geo-economics, the diplomats, the representatives of government and busi- ness. The target audience of the project are the leaders of youth organizations, young representatives of political parties and experts in the field of interna- tional relations and Russian foreign policy, students interested in international relations and Eurasian issues. It is implemented by the Institute of Russian Abroad in cooperation with the partner organizations using a grant from the President of the Russian Federation provided by the Presidential Grants Fund. The present review contains information about the key activities of the project that took place in Pskov, Minsk and Kolomna in 2021.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 7 portrays the present challenges to political parties, and their response. The chapter surveys organizational innovations, such as primaries and internal referendums, recently introduced by political parties to counteract their decline in membership and loss of confidence amongst the electorate, and it questions their efficacy and validity. These pro-membership innovations seem in fact to favour a plebiscitary modality rather than effective democratic activity. The chapter suggests that an intra-democracy would need four ‘knights’ that should comprise: inclusion, deliberation, diffusion and pluralism. The alternatives to the party that have been advanced in recent times are considered, but their effective import is challenged. The chapter concludes by arguing for the unavoidability of partisanship for effective democracy. Even if the political party suffers agonizingly over its limited legitimacy, it still remains at the core of democratic politics.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 429-454 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yongjin Zhang ◽  
Peter Marcus Kristensen

Abstract This article interrogates the questions evoked by the curious case of ‘schools’ of thought in International Relations (IR) through the twin perspectives of the sociology of knowledge and geopolitics of knowledge. Drawing inspirations from the tradition of the sociology of IR pioneered by E. H. Carr, the paper first explores how geo-epistemic diversity can help understand the sociologically problematic nature of IR knowledge production in the existing discipline. Taking cues from Randall Collins’s sociology of philosophies, the article moves to identify four clusters of sociological conditions and dynamics that, we argue, facilitate the formation and sustain the operation of schools of thought in IR. Taking seriously the recent insight from geopolitics of knowledge, the article then looks at why and how school labelling constitutes a battleground for contestation and legitimation of knowledge. While the ‘core’ uses the school label to create a parallel, and explicitly inferior, universe of knowledge production to localize theoretical noises from the peripheries, the school label, we argue, has been proactively appropriated by those at peripheries and semi-peripheries for three strategic purposes: to engage in a purposely contentious politics, to question the claim of the American ‘core’ as the creator, depositor, and distributor of universal knowledge, and to unveil the geo-historical linkage between the political and the epistemic. School labelling matters, we further argue, because it has become a site of contestation of geopolitics of knowledge and reflects the perils and promises in our collective pursuit of constructing a truly global IR.


2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lars Gulbrandsen

In 1998 Norway introduced a cash-for-care scheme. Parent with children aged one or two were offered a cash-for-care benefit if they did not make use of public funded day care centres. The reform was supported by political parties of the centre and right and strongly opposed by parties on the left. Since 1999 ever fewer parents have made use of the opportunity to claim the benefit and have instead sent their children to a day care centre. Attitudes towards the cash-for-care reform, however, have remained very stable up to now. The principle of freedom of choice appears to be strongly rooted among Norwegians. The political agreement on maximum prices made this freedom a reality even for parents who wanted to make use of child care centres.


Author(s):  
A.E. Klychkov ◽  

The article analyzes the main classical and modern models of democracy. Within the framework of the models under consideration, the author investigates the interaction of political parties in a competitive political process. The paper analyzes the protective model of democracy, participatory democracy, pluralistic model of democracy, consociative democracy, marxist model of democracy and others. The author connects the orientation and nature of political parties transactions, their influence on the process of political decision-making with the understanding of the nature and specificity of democratic practices and procedures. The article emphasizes that political parties as an institution enable citizens to realize themselves in the socio-political sphere. Within the framework of this democratic process, the format of political participation of representatives of various social groups of the population is being implemented. The results of the study can be used to analyze democratic practices and party-political interaction within the political systems of states both at the national and subnational levels.


Author(s):  
Roland Lami

In this article, ideological confusion is explained based on the structural-functionalist perspective. Analysis of the phenomenon in question focuses mainly on the interdependence created between the “deeply-social” factors of and political discourse. This analysis is undertaken to better understand the circumstances that condition political parties on representing social categories in different social contexts and on showing the implications of political identity building based on the type of discourse used by the political actors.


2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 647-665 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael C. Williams

The question of endings is simultaneously a question of beginnings: wondering if International Relations is at an end inevitably raises the puzzle of when and how ‘it’ began. This article argues that International Relations’ origins bear striking resemblance to a wider movement in post-war American political studies that Ira Katznelson calls the ‘political studies enlightenment.’ This story of the field’s beginnings and ends has become so misunderstood as to have almost disappeared from histories of the field and accounts of its theoretical orientations and alternatives. This historical forgetting represents one of the most debilitating errors of International Relations theory today, and overcoming it has significant implications for how we think about the past and future development of the field. In particular, it throws open not only our understanding of the place of realism in International Relations, but also our vision of liberalism. For the realism of the International Relations enlightenment did not seek to destroy liberalism as an intellectual and political project, but to save it. The core issue in the ‘invention of International Relations theory’ — its historical origins as well as its end or goal in a substantive or normative sense — was not the assertion of realism in opposition to liberalism: it was, in fact, the defence of a particular kind of liberalism.


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