Interruption and Interpellation

2021 ◽  
pp. 454-470
Author(s):  
Sruti Bala
Keyword(s):  
Bertolt Brecht ◽  
Political Efficacy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Theatrical Performance ◽  
Self Immolation ◽  
Public Lecture

This chapter reflects on the significance of interruption in performance. Under which conditions might interruption be deemed political? And what precisely accords such interruptive gestures an interpellative quality, the capacity to usher a sense of political subjecthood into being? The chapter dwells on three scenes of interruption: in Walter Benjamin’s writings on Bertolt Brecht, in Louis Althusser’s ideology theory, and a scene from a 2018 public lecture-performance in Amsterdam by the scholar-artist Chokri Ben Chikha., In the artist’s gesture toward self-immolation, the protocols of theatrical performance are interrupted in order to reflect on the political efficacy of performance. By way of a complementary reading of Benjamin’s elaboration of the Brechtian ‘gestus’ and Louis Althusser’s conception of ideological interpellation, the chapter suggests that performance and politics are related by the ways in which they interrupt and interpellate each other.

The Political Culture and Political Rhetoric of County Feasts and Feast Sermons, 1654–1714

1994 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 223-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
Newton E. Key
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Rhetoric ◽  
The Political ◽  
Common Cause ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Public Lecture

In December 1655, four stewards for the Worcestershire feast wrote to the eminent divine Richard Baxter regarding possible worthy charities for money collected at their recent London feast. Baxter, elated by their offer, suggested that they set up a public lecture in a dark corner of their native county. He later recalled how well the charitable concerns of this first Worcestershire feast tied in with his concurrent actions to establish a clerical association in the county. Almost thirty years later, in 1682, Roger L'Estrange noted the same phenomenon of annual county feasts in London. Like Baxter, L'Estrange defended what he termed the “innocent county feasts,” and hisObservatoradvertised both tickets and published sermons for more than a dozen county or city feasts during its brief run between 1681 and 1687. Such common cause between Baxter and L'Estrange is remarkable. Moreover, the “innocent” county feasts, which flourished for fifty years from the late 1650s, were often controversial and were the setting for feast sermons which often heaped vitriol on “parties,” whether religious or political. This article examines the rise of the county feasts in the 1650s and their peak in the 1680s in order to assess their significance in the development of late Stuart society, culture, and politics.The county feast was in fact an urban phenomenon: natives of a county met annually, usually in London, for a sermon, dinner, and a subscription to a charity. The phenomenon has long been noted, though rarely analyzed.

Sovereignty’s Scribbled form in King John

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas P. Anderson
Keyword(s):  
Political Efficacy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
National Sovereignty ◽  
Political Condition ◽  
Absolute Power ◽  
Political Subject ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Collateral Effects ◽  
King John

This chapter explores a concept of the nation-state defined in terms of leagues, friendships, and amity between England and France in King John. The play consistently describes the evolving relationship between nations in terms of friendship and hospitality. Constance’s desperate question, ‘France friend with England! What becomes of me?’ (2.2.35) after the rival nations become momentary allies, captures the challenge that national sovereignty poses to a subject’s liberty. In its depiction of this geo-political friendship, King John interrogates the powerful claims of an emerging bureaucratic network of authority exemplified by the Bastard’s relationship with what the play calls ‘borrowed majesty’ (1.1.4) and ‘perjured kings’ (3.1.33). In arguing that King John makes explicit the political condition of friendship in depicting rival nation-states, the chapter makes the case that the Bastard’s new sovereign relationship radically redefines a political subject as a bawd or broker in a bureaucratic network with radical, albeit unrealized, political potential. The Bastard—a bureaucrat with royal blood—is well aware that his fugitive survival and political efficacy are contingent on how he responds to the unintended contours of the sovereign decision, to its collateral effects that exceed ordered and absolute power, in other words, to that which allows him to act legitimately, with bureaucratic sovereignty, both inside and outside of the law.

Factors Influencing Online Poll Participation

2015 ◽  
pp. 1462-1473
Author(s):  
Kevin Wenyuan Zhao ◽  
Louis Leung
Keyword(s):  
Information Literacy ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Political Efficacy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Future Studies ◽  
Public Issues ◽  
Factors Influencing ◽  
Internet Users ◽  
Degree Of Participation

The purpose of this study is to examine the degree of participation in online polls and its relationship to the perception of online polls, information literacy, and the political efficacy of Internet users in mainland China. Data was gathered online from a sample of 419 Internet users. Results show that perceptions of both the usefulness and trustworthiness of online polls positively correlated to participation in online polls but not to information literacy or to political efficacy. Contrary to expected results, political efficacy did not relate to online poll participation. However, regression results suggested that Internet users who often participated in online polls were usually males who were literate in publishing and believed that online polls were an effective and trustworthy means to express opinions on public issues. Limitations and implications for future studies are discussed.

scholarly journals Meta-Cognition of Efficacy and Social Media Usage among Japanese Civil Society Organizations

Information ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 118
Author(s):  
Tomoya Sagara ◽  
Muneo Kaigo ◽  
Yutaka Tsujinaka
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Interest Group ◽  
Political Efficacy ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Media Usage ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Flow Of Information

This paper examines how social media are affecting Japanese civil society organizations, in relation to efficacy and political participation. Using data from the 2017 Japan Interest Group Study survey, we analyzed how the flow of information leads to the political participation of civil society organizations. The total number of respondents (organizations) were 1285 (942 organizations in Tokyo and 343 from Ibaraki). In the analysis of our survey we focused on the data portion related to information behavior and efficacy and investigated the meta-cognition of efficacy in lobbying among civil society organizations in Tokyo and Ibaraki. We found that organizations that use social media were relatively few. However, among the few organizations that use social media, we found that these organizations have a much higher meta-cognition of political efficacy in comparison to those that do not use social media. For instance, social media usage had a higher tendency of having cognition of being able to exert influence upon others. We also found that organizations that interact with citizens have a higher tendency to use social media. The correspondence analysis results point towards a hypothesis of how efficacy and participation are mutually higher among the organizations that use social media in Japan.

Young Adults' Knowledge of Politics: Evaluating the Role of Socio-Cognitive Variables Using Structural Equations

2011 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 183-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silvina Brussino ◽  
Leonardo Medrano ◽  
Patricia Sorribas ◽  
Hugo H. Rabbia
Keyword(s):  
Young Adults ◽  
Structural Equation ◽  
Political Knowledge ◽  
Political Efficacy ◽  
Sem Analysis ◽  
Education Level ◽  
Structural Equations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cognitive Variables

The aim of this study was to create an explanatory model that allows analyzing the predictive power of a set of variables related to political knowledge; more specifically, to analyze the relationship between the education level of young adults and the variables, interest in politics and internal political efficacy. We also analyzed the combined relationship between these variables, together with age, and political knowledge. We worked with a sample group of 280 young adults between the ages of 18-30 from the city of Córdoba (Argentina). The data was subjected to a structural equation modelling SEM analysis, which allowed for the corroboration of the following hypotheses: the higher the education level, the more the interest in politics; the higher the education level, the better the perception of internal political efficacy; the higher the education level, the more the political knowledge; the more the interest in politics, the more the political knowledge; and the better the perception of internal political efficacy, the more interest in politics. Moreover, the following hypotheses could not be verified: the older an individual, the more the political knowledge; and the better the perception of internal political efficacy, the more the political knowledge. The model obtained allows for discussion of the explanatory value of these socio-cognitive variables.

The Child'S Acquisition of Regime Norms: Political Efficacy

1967 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Easton ◽  
Jack Dennis
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Efficacy ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Minimal Level ◽  
Constitutional Order ◽  
Political Interaction ◽  
General Goals ◽  
Minimal Constraints

In its broadest conception, a political system is a means through which the wants of the members of a society are converted into binding decisions. To sustain a conversion process of this sort a society must provide a relatively stable context for political interaction, a set of ground rules for participating in all parts of the political process. We may describe this context variously as a constitutional order, a set of fundamental rules, or customary procedures for settling differences. But however this context is defined, it usually includes three elements: some minimal constraints on the general goals of its members, rules or norms governing behavior, and structures of authority through which the members of the system act in making and implementing political outputs. To these goals, norms and structures we may give the traditional name “political regime” or constitutional order in the broadest, nonlegal sense of the phrase.We may hypothesize that if a political system is to persist, one of its major tasks is to provide for the input of at least a minimal level of support for a regime of some kind. A political system that proved unable to sustain a regime, that is, some relatively ordered and stable way of converting inputs into outputs, could not avoid collapsing. Each time a dispute arose it would have to seek to agree on means for settling differences at the same time as it sought to bring about a settlement of the substance of the issue, a virtually impossible combination of tasks for a society to engage in continuously.

High Levels of Political Socialization of the Three Generations

2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
BONNIE HAMILTON D. RABACA ◽  
SAIDAMIN P. BAGOLONG
Keyword(s):  
Generation X ◽  
Generation Y ◽  
Political Socialization ◽  
Social Issues ◽  
Baby Boom ◽  
Political Efficacy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Cynicism ◽  
Three Generations ◽  
Descriptive Method

The political socialization of today’s generation lies on how they participate in political efficacy and political cynicism. People’s involvement in state’s activities will result to disparagement of others. This study tries to determine the levels of political socialization of the three generations, the Baby Boom, the Generation X and the Generation Y. It used descriptive method, with Mean and Analysis of Variance as statistical tools. Three hundred respondents were asked on their responses on the indicators using a researcher-made questionnaire. Findings showed that the Generation X observed high levels of political efficacy and political cynicism as regards to political and social issues, political interest, opinions of people including the government’s thought on new laws passed. However, people tend to be discouraged in political activities because of politician’s insincerity which resulted to decadence. Thus, the political socialization of the three generations somehow went beyond understanding politics but also can cause crucial and serious conflict.Keywords: Political socialization, baby boom, generation X and generation Y, descriptive method, Davao City, Philippines

scholarly journals The GeoWeb and everyday life: An analysis of spatial tactics and volunteered geographic information

First Monday ◽  
2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessa Lingel ◽  
Bradley Wade Bishop
Keyword(s):  
Everyday Life ◽  
Spatial Data ◽  
Information Science ◽  
Volunteered Geographic Information ◽  
Political Efficacy ◽  
Geographic Information ◽  
Future Research ◽  
The Political ◽  
Geospatial Technologies ◽  
Opening Up

In this paper, we discuss GeoWeb technologies, specifically those created via volunteered geographic information (VGI) as a means of analyzing the political contours of mapmaking. Our paper is structured around two case studies of VGI projects that allow for consideration for the political efficacy (and potential drawbacks) of these geospatial technologies. We use de Certeau’s constructs of strategies and tactics as a conceptual framing, which allows for a political reading of geographic data couched in the context of everyday life, as well as opening up inquiry into the politics of making, accessing and interpreting spatial data. We conclude by suggesting provocations for future research on the GeoWeb and VGI at the intersection of geography and information science.

scholarly journals Political inequality, political participation, and support for populist parties

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kim Leonie Kellermann
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Political Efficacy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Discussion ◽  
Tax Rate ◽  
Political Inequality ◽  
Taxation Policy ◽  
Correct Sequence ◽  
Party Ideology

AbstractWe theoretically investigate how political abstention among certain social groups encourages populist parties to enter the political stage, trying to absorb inactive voters. We design a two-stage game with two established parties and n voters who jointly determine a taxation policy. The electorate is divided into two groups, the advantaged and the disadvantaged. Voters’ decisions on whether to participate depend on a party’s tax rate proposal and on general party ideology. Effective political participation requires a certain amount of financial, social and intellectual resources to, for example, evaluate party programs or to engage in political discussion. As the disadvantaged are endowed with fewer resources, they lack political efficacy, resulting in less political participation. Consequently, the established parties propose a tax rate which is biased towards the preferences of the advantaged. The unused voter potential among the disadvantaged draws the interest of a populist challenger. To win support from the disadvantaged, the challenger party optimally proposes a respectively biased tax rate, which then works to polarize the political spectrum.Please confirm if the author names are presented accurately and in the correct sequence (given name, middle name/initial, family name). Author 1 Given name: [Kim Leonie] Last name [ Kellermann]. Also, kindly confirm the details in the metadata are correct.All correct.

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