The Music Modernization Act

Author(s):  
Adam Gorgoni

This chapter is a songwriter’s essay on the Music Modernization Act and how it attempts to address the future of the songwriting profession in the digital age. Although the advent of streaming has resuscitated the music industry writ large, songwriters—unlike artists and record labels—are regulated by the government in ways that have stopped them from receiving their fair share of the growing pie. The author explains from a songwriter’s perspective how the MMA was designed to address these issues and assesses its strengths and weaknesses, the compromises that led to its passage, and the challenges going forward.

Author(s):  
Salih UÇAK ◽  
Zübeyir Gökhan DOĞAN

The school defines a system that is too complex to be reduced to functions and practices. Humanity saw the school as a ‘multi-dimensional structure’ in its development adventure; ıts necessity was generally considered to be ‘vital’. Until the last century, there was hardly any serious criticism that the school was unnecessary. Especially the differences such as the innovations of the new century, the monist perspective, the possibilities of the digital world gave the opportunity to discuss the role of the school and its current role was frequently brought up. Even though the evaluations made over the school with the works of thinkers such as Gatto and Illich have a fair share, it will be seen that these are criticisms developed on the basis of ‘negative examples’. In the digital age where the vehicle is rich and purpose is impoverished, the school must be reconstructed as a challenging metaphor. There is a need for a vision of a school that prioritizes the human with wisdom without blessing the machine. In this context, our study regards the school of the future as the most critical institutional phenomenon for human rejuvenation ‘despite all’. School as a natural system is considered to be the strongest structure to rebuild the future against actual and popular ‘negativities’.


2011 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 289-305
Author(s):  
Etienne Verhoeyen

Nadat Hitler in oktober 1939 beslist had een aanval in het Westen te ondernemen, werden in Keulen twee studiegroepen opgericht, die het toekomstig bezettingsregime van België en Nederland moesten voorbereiden. Er was een studiecommissie die geleid werd door de toekomstige leider van het Duits Militair Bestuur in België, Regierungspräsident Reeder, en daarnaast bestond een geheime studiegroep die de Sondergruppe Student werd genoemd. Deze bijdrage belicht het voorbereidend werk van de leden van deze studiegroep op het gebied van handel, industrie, recht, Volkstum en cultuur in België. De groep legde een grote belangstelling voor de Flamenfrage aan de dag en trok daarbij lessen uit de ervaringen met de bezetting van België tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Ofschoon er van diverse zijden in Duitsland werd op aangestuurd, hebben zowel de 'commissie Reeder' als de Sondergruppe de wederinvoering van de bestuurlijke scheiding van het Vlaams en Franstalig landsgedeelte, één van de 'verworvenheden' van het Vlaams activisme uit 1914-18, beslist afgewezen. De bijdrage laat ook de tegenstellingen zien die in Duitsland bestonden op het gebied van de beïnvloeding (ten voordele van Duitsland) in de te bezetten gebieden. ________ A German network in the preparation of the Militärverwaltung (Army administration) in Belgium (1939-1940)After Hitler had decided in October 1939 to carry out an attack on the West, two study groups were set up in Cologne in order to prepare the future occupational regime of Belgium and the Netherlands.  The future leader of the German Army Administration in Belgium, President of the Government Reeder chaired the study group, and in addition there was a secret study group called the Sondergruppe Student (Special Student Group).This contribution illuminates the preparatory work of the members of this study group in the area of trade, industry, law, Volkstum (nationality) and culture in Belgium. The group demonstrated a lot of interest in the Flamenfrage (Flemish question) and in doing so drew lessons from the experience of the occupation of Belgium during the First World War.Although people from various quarters in Germany aimed for the reintroduction of the governmental separation between  the Flemish and French speaking parts of the country, one of the 'achievements' of Flemish activism from the period of 1914-1918, both the 'Reeder committee' and the 'Sondergruppe' definitely dismissed it. This contribution also demonstrates the contradictions present in Germany in the area of influencing the territories to be occupied (in favour of Germany).


Author(s):  
Rosemary Foot

Over a relatively short period of time, Beijing moved from passive involvement with the UN to active engagement. How are we to make sense of the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) embrace of the UN, and what does its engagement mean in larger terms? Is it a ‘supporter’ that takes its fair share of responsibilities, or a ‘spoiler’ that seeks to transform the UN’s contribution to world order? Certainly, it is difficult to label it a ‘shirker’ in the last decade or more, given Beijing’s apparent appreciation of the UN, its provision of public goods to the organization, and its stated desire to offer ‘Chinese wisdom and a Chinese approach to solving the problems facing mankind’. This study traces questions such as these, interrogating the value of such categorization through direct focus on Beijing’s involvement in one of the most contentious areas of UN activity—human protection—contentious because the norm of human protection tips the balance away from the UN’s Westphalian state-based profile, towards the provision of greater protection for the security of individuals and their individual liberties. The argument that follows shows that, as an ever-more crucial actor within the United Nations, Beijing’s rhetoric and some of its practices are playing an increasingly important role in determining how this norm is articulated and interpreted. In some cases, the PRC is also influencing how these ideas of human protection are implemented. At stake in the questions this book tackles is both how we understand the PRC as a participant in shaping global order, and the future of some of the core norms that constitute global order.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (12) ◽  
pp. 6630
Author(s):  
Rachel Harcourt ◽  
Wändi Bruine de Bruin ◽  
Suraje Dessai ◽  
Andrea Taylor

Engaging people in preparing for inevitable climate change may help them to improve their own safety and contribute to local and national adaptation objectives. However, existing research shows that individual engagement with adaptation is low. One contributing factor to this might be that public discourses on climate change often seems dominated by overly negative and seemingly pre-determined visions of the future. Futures thinking intends to counter this by re-presenting the future as choice contingent and inclusive of other possible and preferable outcomes. Here, we undertook storytelling workshops with participants from the West Yorkshire region of the U.K. They were asked to write fictional adaptation futures stories which: opened by detailing their imagined story world, moved to events that disrupted those worlds, provided a description of who responded and how and closed with outcomes and learnings from the experience. We found that many of the stories envisioned adaptation as a here-and-now phenomenon, and that good adaptation meant identifying and safeguarding things of most value. However, we also found notable differences as to whether the government, local community or rebel groups were imagined as leaders of the responsive actions, and as to whether good adaptation meant maintaining life as it had been before the disruptive events occurred or using the disruptive events as a catalyst for social change. We suggest that the creative futures storytelling method tested here could be gainfully applied to support adaptation planning across local, regional and national scales.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1010-1012 ◽  
pp. 996-999
Author(s):  
Mo Zhang ◽  
Jing Chen

Development of recyclable resources industry makes a positive effect to alleviate the shortage of resources and control environmental pollution. At present, China's recyclable resources industry still has some problems. The Government should vigorously develop recyclable resources industry and participate in global recyclable resources circulation in the future.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 460-470 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiwen Chen

Purpose Bottlenecked by rural underdevelopment, China’s overall development is bound to be inadequate and unbalanced. Through a brief retrospect of the reform directed against the “equalitarianism (egalitarianism)” in China’s rural areas, as well as the Chinese Government’s conceptual transformation and systemic construction and improvement thereof, the purpose of this paper is to clarify the panoramic significance of rural reform; the necessity, priority, and long-term nature of the current rural development; and the important role of public policy in doing so. It also looks ahead to consider the prospects for future rural reform. Design/methodology/approach This paper first reviews the rural reforms that were carried out in 1978. Second, it introduces the government’s conceptual change regarding rural reform and the establishment and improvement of the system that underlies it. Finally, the future of rural reform is envisaged. Findings The initial rural reforms brought extensive and profound changes to China’s rural areas. The experience of rural reform has been referred to and escalated by other fields of study. Hence, rural reforms have become something of global significance. Moreover, since the government can undertake reforms well beyond the reach of farmers, its views must be modified in a timely manner, and only then may it reasonably construct and improve the system pertaining to the “three rural issues (agriculture, rural areas, and farmers).” Originality/value This paper reviews the rural reforms carried out in 1978. It introduces the government’s change of concept with respect to rural reforms and the establishment and improvement of the system based on the “three rural issues,” thus looking forward to the future of rural reforms. The findings of this paper are of significance to the formulation of future agricultural policies.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (22) ◽  
pp. 77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ángel Recamán Rivas

Navantia finished the analysis of the concept Industry 4.0 in 2016 and its application to the naval shipbuilding industry, referred to herein as Shipyard 4.0. The implementation process has begun with several projects that involved various technologies. In order to incorporate them in the new project, for naval vessels and systems, special focus has been put in the future F-110 frigate.This document aims to provide an overview of the Shipyard 4.0 model and a brief discussion regarding the projects launched for its implementation in Navantia. The initiative 4.0 is a key development vector across all the industrial sectors in the future and its expected outcomes match the ones established by the Government of Colombia in its “Plan de Transformación Industrial” (Plan of Industrial Transformation). In this context, the new frigate program (PES) is a unique opportunity to engage the local industry, in which Navantia offers its willingness to cooperate.


Refuge ◽  
2001 ◽  
pp. 17-22
Author(s):  
Jackie King

Australia's decision to provide temporary safe haven protection to 4000 Kosovars in response to the UNHCR request for assistance in their humanitarian evacuation from refugee camps in surrounding countries, required quick action by the government to provide for an unprecedented legislative and service delivery framework. This paper looks at the notion of temporary protection, both in international and specifically Australian context, before describing and assessing the legislative and service delivery mechanisms that facilitated Australia's response. This paper concludes that the risk of selective intepretation of the legislation and the denial of democratic rights to the subjects of legislation, and the less than adequate service delivery to the Kosovars, and the arguable breach of its international obligations, suggests that Australia will have to think twice before engaging in such a mechanism in the future.


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