Women in Central America since Independence

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eugenia Rodríguez Sáenz
Keyword(s):  
Mixed Race ◽  
Reproductive Capacity ◽  
Gender Inequalities ◽  
Access To Education ◽  
Reform Movements ◽  
Geographical Differences ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
Development Policies ◽  
Liberal Reform ◽  
The Cold War

In the struggle to reduce gender inequalities, women were recognized as having rights during the liberal reform movements and achieved greater access to education in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. They then began to form their own organizations, demand voting rights, and join major social struggles. In the mid-twentieth century, women began to modernize their living conditions in the context of the Cold War, development policies, and broader access to contraceptive methods that allowed them greater control over their reproductive capacity. At the same time, they gained a greater foothold in the labor market and education, began to become professionals, and joined movements promoting the democratization of their societies, including through armed struggle. Beginning in the 1990s, pro-feminist laws and institutions were created throughout the region, against which conservative religious and neoliberal forces have pushed back. Despite important gains, the progress achieved by women has been strongly influenced by class, ethnic, generational, and geographical differences, so young, urban, White, and mixed-race women of the middle and upper classes have been able to take better advantage of the new opportunities than have their indigenous, Afro-descendant, rural, working-class, and older counterparts.

Social Movement Consolidation and Strategic Shifts: The Brazilian Landless Movement during the Lula and Dilma Administrations

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 206-222
Author(s):  
Anthony Pahnke
Keyword(s):  
Social Movement ◽  
Agrarian Reform ◽  
Support Programs ◽  
Access To Education ◽  
Small Farmer ◽  
Land Redistribution ◽  
Development Policies ◽  
Landless Movement ◽  
Leadership And Organization ◽  
Ambiguous Position

During the center-left Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party—PT) governments of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2002–2010) and Dilma Rousseff (2011–2016), the Brazilian Landless Movement took advantage of particular governmental changes—increased access to education, improved small-farmer support programs, and expanded agrarian reform development policies—to strengthen its leadership and organization. Instead of expanding, the movement turned inward to address internal weaknesses. It benefited from the PT’s ambiguous position with respect to the politics of agrarian reform. Since each administration dedicated considerable resources to public policies that the movement favored, neither government engaged in significant land redistribution. Durante los gobiernos de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2002–2010) y Dilma Rousseff (2011–2016), ambos pertenecientes al centro-izquierdista Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), el Movimiento Brasileño Sin Tierra aprovechó cambios gubernamentales particulares, como mejores programas de apoyo a los pequeños agricultores, mejor acceso a la educación y políticas ampliadas para el desarrollo de reformas agrarias, para fortalecer su liderazgo y organización. En lugar de expandirse, el movimiento se tornó hacia sí mismo para abordar debilidades internas. Se benefició de la posición ambigua del PT con respecto a las políticas de reforma agraria. Y dado que ambas administraciones dedicaron considerables recursos a políticas públicas favorecidas por el movimiento, ninguno se abocó a supervisar una redistribución significativa de la tierra.

scholarly journals “Se eu não tivesse casado, eu não tinha parado de estudar”: desafios para igualdade de gênero no acesso à educação de jovens e adultos do campo à cidade

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Shana Sampaio Sieber ◽  
Juliana Nascimento Funari ◽  
Lorena Lima Moraes
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
Adult Students ◽  
Gender Inequality ◽  
Educational Program ◽  
Analytical Data ◽  
Gender Inequalities ◽  
Access To Education ◽  
Rural And Urban ◽  
The City ◽  
Education In Brazil

Resumo: O presente artigo pretende fazer uma provocação acerca das relações de gênero no acesso à educação, a partir do contexto da Educação de Jovens e Adultos (EJA), do município de Triunfo, sertão de Pernambuco - Brasil, através de uma problematização realizada junto aos estudantes da EJA Regular e Campo em duas escolas públicas. Optou-se pela realização de grupos focais com o apoio de metodologias participativas, tais como a “chuva de ideias” e a “árvore de problemas” para observar as reações dos sujeitos envolvidos, registrar as falas e comportamentos, e analisar as interações entre as/os participantes. Esta reflexão vai demonstrar que mesmo com alguns avanços no acesso das mulheres à educação no Brasil, jovens e adultas(os) da EJA apontam que as desigualdades de gênero somadas às dificuldades de mobilidade, ainda são obstáculos concretos vivenciados pelas mulheres rurais e urbanas, dificultando os caminhos até à escola.Palavras-chave: Desigualdade de Gênero. Educação do Campo. EJA IF I HADN'T MARRIED, I WOULDN’T HAVE QUIT SCHOOL: CHALLENGES IN GENDER EQUALITY IN THE ACCESS TO YOUTH AND ADULT EDUCATION FROM THE COUNTRYSIDE TO THE CITYAbstract: The present article intends to foster a discussion on gender relations regarding access to education, focusing on the context of the Adult and Youth Educational Program (EJA), in the city of Triunfo (PE), hinterland of Pernambuco – Brazil. The objective was reached through the problematizing of gender and access to education amongst Regular and Countryside EJA students carried out in two public schools. Focal groups’ discussionstook place with the support of participative methodologies, such as "brainstorming" and "problematizing trees" to observe the reactions of the actors involved, record the speeches and behaviors, and analyze participants’ interactions. The thoughts and analytical data portrayed here will show that even with some advances in women's access to education in Brazil, Young and Adult students, both female and male, point out that gender inequalities, coupled with access to schools and mobility issues, are still concrete obstacles experienced by rural and urban women today. Keywords: Gender inequality. Countryside Education. EJA.

scholarly journals Dancing and Calculating: Culturally sustainable development and globalization in light of two paradigms of socio-cultural evolution

2014 ◽  
Vol 20 (70) ◽  
pp. 5-29
Author(s):  
Vjeran Katunarić
Keyword(s):  
Sustainable Development ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Cultural Evolution ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Conceptual Foundation ◽  
Development Policies ◽  
Social Theories ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Developmental Policies ◽  
The Welfare State

Abstract Globalization challenges the usefulness of different paradigms of socio-cultural evolution and opens the possibility for their hybridization. In this paper, two paradigms of evolution, the transformational (Spencerian) and the variational / selectionist (Darwinian), as discerned by Fracchia and Lewontin (1999), are examined along with their social theoretical counterparts. Most social theories of development are connected to different evolutionary paradigms in different historical contexts. The transformational paradigm prevailed until the end of the Cold War (e.g. theories of modernization), and the selectionist paradigm, in various theoretical forms, thereafter (e.g. Huntington, Eisenstadt). Most developmental policies today prefer the selectionist paradigm in terms of the neoliberal free market. The transformational paradigm in development policies was predominant in the era of the welfare state in the West, and its counterpart in the era of the statism of the East. Sustainable development in a socio-cultural sense is the youngest and the least consistent policy concept, and it is not founded on the evolution paradigms. The concept was launched by the UN as an attempt at mediating, mostly on the grounds of ecological alarms, between the free-market and statist policies. The author considers the hybridization of these two paradigms to be a proper conceptual foundation of sustainable development. On this premise, he expounds the concept of a culturally oriented sustainable development, arguing that hybrids of developmental policies are more suitable for a decent survival of most countries.

Mother of Transracial Adoption: Pearl Buck's Special Needs Adoption and American Self-criticism

2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-366
Author(s):  
Soojin Chung
Keyword(s):  
Mixed Race ◽  
Transracial Adoption ◽  
Transnational Adoption ◽  
Personal Connection ◽  
Special Needs Adoption ◽  
Asian Children ◽  
Conservative Christian ◽  
Political Act ◽  
Protestant Liberalism ◽  
The Cold War

In 1949, Pearl Sydenstricker Buck founded Welcome House, the first transracial and transnational adoption agency in the country, marking the beginning of the transnational adoption of mixed-race ‘Amerasian’ children. Contrary to the prevailing understanding that her humanitarian advocacy was a political act that promoted American global hegemony during the Cold War period, this article argues that her humanitarian work was motivated primarily by three forces: (1) her sense of American political and moral responsibility, (2) her desire for personal connection and motherhood, and (3) her mission of global friendship and unity. Buck actively fought racism in America, advocating the adoption of mixed-race Asian children and children with disabilities. Unlike evangelical agencies that catered to a conservative Christian audience, Pearl Buck normalised the notion of transracial adoption across America through her potent prose. This study examines her work in the context of the rise of Protestant liberalism, accentuating her role as the pioneer of the transracial and transnational adoption of Amerasian children and demonstrating that her ideology was congruent with her lifetime motto of human solidarity and anti-racism.

scholarly journals Gender inequality in self-reported health and its evolution in Europe between 2004 and 2016

2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  
L Roxo ◽  
J Perelman
Keyword(s):  
Gender Inequality ◽  
Gender Gap ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Gender Inequalities ◽  
Access To Education ◽  
Socioeconomic Vulnerability ◽  
The Great Recession ◽  
Reported Health ◽  
Education And Employment ◽  
Over Time

Abstract Background That women generally have worse health than men has long been shown. Yet, the situation in Europe might have changed recently. Gender inequalities have decreased in access to education, employment, and political representation. However, women have increasingly adopted traditionally masculine unhealthy behaviors, such as smoking. Also, the Great Recession may have hurt women harder, due to their greater socioeconomic vulnerability. This study aims to analyze gender inequalities in 30 European countries, and its evolution over the 2004-2016 period. Methods We used data from the Survey on Income and Living Conditions (SILC), from people between 25 and 64 years old (N = 3,109,150). We modeled the probability of bad/very bad self-reported health as function of gender, adjusting for age, country and year, using logistic regressions. We further adjusted for education and employment. Then, we included interactions of gender and year to test changes in inequalities over time. Finally, we stratified the analysis according to countries grouped based on the Gender Development Index (GDI). Results Women were 16.8% more likely to report bad health (OR = 1.17, p < 0.01). Considering education and employment, women were 2.6% less likely to report bad health (OR = 0.97, p < 0.01). Over time, adjusting for age, the gender gap reduced from 81.1% (OR = 1.81, p < 0.01) in 2004 to 16.4% in 2016 (OR = 1.16, p < 0.01), and from 31.5% to 2.5% with socioeconomic adjustment. The reduction was larger in countries with a greater GDI. Conclusions Gender inequality has decreased, but was still present in 2016, in favor of men. This thinning is partly explained by the narrowing of inequalities in education and employment. A greater GDI has favored a larger improvement. Key messages Gender inequalities in self-reported health have narrowed over 2004-2006, following the narrowing of socioeconomic inequalities. A greater GDI has favored a larger improvement in gender inequalities.

scholarly journals Women, Administered Insecurity, and Multiple Alignments to Assuage Gender Inequalities in the Brazilian Zika Epidemic

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
Author(s):  
Parry Scott
Keyword(s):  
Gender Relations ◽  
Community Relations ◽  
Gender Inequalities ◽  
Political Awareness ◽  
Multiple Alignments ◽  
Significant Difference ◽  
Development Policies ◽  
Provision Of Services ◽  
Health Related

This article deals with the Brazilian Zika epidemic that started in 2015 and became an important event for understanding Gender and Power in health treatment contexts. It discusses a combination of reinforcement of gender normed care and therapeutic itineraries overburdening mothers and the construction of political awareness and practice associated with demands for state services. Working with a concept of administered insecurity elaborated to understand people displaced during the implementation of planned government development policies, it argues that the planned nature of health systems, despite their explicit emphasis on the objective of treating the health of the population, also generate administered insecurity as planned administrators of scarcity. It uses data from a 4-year research project entitled “Doing Ethnography on Care” in Recife, Brazil, to show the multiplicity of contexts that are brought out through the practice of mothers in providing care for their Zika-syndrome stricken children, and how they reflect varying power relations that constantly re-dimension maternity along lines of gender relations in different institutional domains of treatment and research. The severe gender inequality in caring for infants was partially assuaged by multiple alignments made by the mothers and infants promoting dialogue and practice in varied contexts, including interaction with the research team. Family and Community Relations, Mediation, Favors, Accusations, Judicialization, Collective Action, formation of Associations, and learning to produce videos are seen as constructors of complex meaning and practice of mothering in a way in which gender goes beyond the limits of an overburdening practice of care. Gender provides a significant difference for mothers whose knowledge and familiarity of domains of health and health-related provision of services and knowledge, forged in their search for treatment for their child, create and legitimate spaces for the exercise of informed citizenship and a sharp awareness and resistance to practices by the state and other agents who administer insecurity. The final remarks synthesize some of the more important reconfigurations of gender relations and power in the context of the Zika epidemic and alerts to the challenge of the transitory nature of an epidemic and the gradual, and not so gradual, exhaustion of institutional interest for the dilemma of the mothers and also shows the role of anthropological research in promoting gender equality in epidemic contexts.

scholarly journals The ‘Spirit of Liberal Reform’: Representation, Slavery and Constitutional Liberty in the Glasgow Advertiser, 1789–1794

2020 ◽  
Vol 99 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-84
Author(s):  
Alex Benchimol
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Reform Movement ◽  
Reform Movements ◽  
Political Liberty ◽  
Parliamentary Reform ◽  
The Face ◽  
Liberal Reform ◽  
Key Issues

The period from 1789 to 1794 in Britain witnessed both an accelerated momentum for reform movements as well as a crisis point for the realisation of their aims, in part through widespread official panic about the domestic appropriation of notions of political liberty associated with the French Revolution. In Scotland, the trajectory for political reform reached back before these crisis years through the movement to make the administration and representation of the nation's expanding cities more transparent and accountable to an ascendant commercial class. The burgh reform movement, like the campaign to abolish the slave trade and the movement for parliamentary reform in the early 1790s, took advantage of periodical print as a principal vehicle for the dissemination of its key legislative aims. The essay examines John Mennons's Glasgow Advertiser (1783–1801) as an important case study for how this Scottish public sphere projected these three temporally and ideologically overlapping reform campaigns during a compressed and concentrated period of political volatility, focusing in particular on the newspaper's attempts ‘to maintain a posture of strict independence in the face of sharply polarizing opinions and official harassment’, as Bob Harris argued. The essay maps the trajectory of these three reform movements in the Advertiser's pages, and details how its column inches during the 1792–4 crisis years reflected a commitment to presenting key issues around parliamentary reform to meet a new demand for constitutional information amongst the west of Scotland's labouring classes, whilst continuing to maintain its pages as a platform for the ideological concerns (and manifest anxieties) of the region's propertied readers. What resulted was a unique Scottish periodical space that reconstructed binary debates on the nature of the British constitution—sometimes in items directly juxtaposed on its pages—emerging from increasingly segregated spatial contexts within the Scottish public sphere.

Chiapas and the Zapatista National Liberation Army

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Estrada-Saavedra
Keyword(s):  
Historical Context ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
Porfirio Diaz ◽  
Mexican State ◽  
Zapatista National Liberation Army ◽  
History Of ◽  
Liberal Reform ◽  
Landed Elite

The 1994 Zapatista uprising in the southern Mexican state of Chiapas was the culmination of centuries of repression and exploitation of the country’s indigenous minority at the hands of its Spanish and mestizo leaders and the landed elite. The Liberal Reform initiated in 1854, followed by the “modernizing” policies of President Porfirio Díaz (1877–1880; 1884–1911), and then the revolution that ousted him, would strengthen and institutionalize a new set of institutional frameworks, discourses, and practices that lasted through the 20th century. The Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (Zapatista National Liberation Army, or EZLN) emerged from a history of complex and volatile relationships between indigenous peoples of the impoverished state and its economic and political elite, relationships that began a process of redefinition in the 1950s. Zapatismo is one of the expressions of indigenous and working-class struggles in this social and historical context. It can be distinguished from other rural and indigenous movements by its repudiation of the strategies of protest and negotiation within an institutional framework, its adoption of armed struggle, and its rejection of the conventional objectives of land and commercial agricultural production in favor of territorial autonomy and de facto self-government.

“Taking America's Story to the World”: Touring Jerome Robbins's Ballets: U.S.A. During the Cold War

2020 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-25
Author(s):  
Stacey Prickett
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Mixed Race ◽  
Press Coverage ◽  
Arts Festivals ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Us Government ◽  
Archival Documentation ◽  
The Cold War

Between 1958 and 1961, Jerome Robbins's Ballets: U.S.A. company toured to European arts festivals with a repertory of new and existing works, most of which remain in performance more than six decades later. Cold War political and artistic imperatives intersected in choreography that circulated visions of “American” innovation and youthful vitality, danced to an eclectic range of scores by a mixed-race cast. Archival documentation of the funding process reveals discussions about aesthetic priorities and the choreographer's responsibility to the US government. Analysis of press coverage of the performances also considers the extent to which diplomatic objectives were achieved.

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