East Asia and the West: The Impact of Confucianism on Anglo‐American Political Theory

Author(s):  
Daniel A. Bell

This article explores the influence of Confucianism on Anglo-American political theory. It describes two recent developments in contemporary Anglo-American political theory which have allowed for substantial engagement with Confucian political theory and may set the stage for further interest in East Asian political theory more generally. One is the communitarian critique of liberal universalism and the other is the feminist emphasis on the politics of the family. This article discusses East Asian contributions to the debate on universalism versus particularism and to the debate on family and justice.

2000 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-56
Author(s):  
Michael Spaulding

Globalization pits pressures for liberalization against state claims to political and economic sovereignty. Less powerful states in particular face strong pressure from the international trade regime to liberalize their economies irrespective of the impact on domestic stability and national goals. East Asia has been a hold-out against the global trend toward liberalization. This paper shows that the bail-out package demanded by the IMF in 1997 during the East Asian financial crisis imposed unprecedented restrictions on state governance without regard for long-term implications. The paper argues that the IMF's motivation was to harmonize financial governance of the affected economies with Western practices. However, the cost of this initiative to the stability of the region has been overlooked. The East Asian region has carved out for itself a unique niche in the international political economy by resisting penetration of Western finance capital. Already governments have fallen and deep resentments have been sewn over the reversal. More seriously for the future, assumptions that free-market liberalism can be imposed top-down ignore the extent to which economic institutions and preferences are embedded in culture.


Author(s):  
Jude Woodward

This chapter reviews US-China-Russia relations in the post-war period, and considers how recent developments affect prospects for the US ‘pivot’. It explains why those driving US foreign policy towards China see the confrontation with Russia in Ukraine as a dangerous and diversionary adventure, leading to Sino-Russian convergence, distracting US attention from East Asia and undermining confidence among the US’s Asian allies of its commitment to the region. It is argued that if the US is to maintain primacy in the 21st century, it must subordinate other foreign policy goals to the paramount objective of containing China’s rise. The US’s failure to do this, instead pitting itself against both Putin in the West and China in the East, means it has driven Russia and China together, quite possibly sacrificing its vital need to contain China for a lesser goal of uncertain outcome in Ukraine.


Author(s):  
Tarak Barkawi

This chapter examines how war fits into the study of international relations and the ways it affects world politics. It begins with an analysis of the work of the leading philosopher of war, Carl von Clausewitz, to highlight the essential nature of war, the main types of war, and the idea of strategy. It then considers some important developments in the history of warfare, both in the West and elsewhere, with particular emphasis on interrelationships between the modern state, armed force, and war in the West and in the global South. Two case studies are presented, one focusing on war and Eurocentrism during the Second World War, and the other on the impact of war on society by looking at France, Vietnam, and the United States. There is also an Opposing Opinions box that asks whether democracy creates peace among states.


1971 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Clay

The Lords Petre were always one of the most prominent of English Catholic families, and they were also one of the richest. Their landed estates had been built up in the middle of the sixteenth century by Sir William Petre, Secretary of State to three Tudor sovereigns. Sir William's son, John, was created a Baron in 1611, but in the early 17th century the family properties ceased to grow in size, partly because Catholicism excluded them from the profits of office, and partly because provision for younger sons offset such new acquisitions as were made. But even so the estates inherited by the third Lord Petre in 1637 were large enough to place him clearly in the ranks of the great landed magnates. In Essex he had a well-consolidated belt of land lying to the west and south-west of Chelmsford, and centred on the two family residences of Ingatestone Hall and Thorndon Hall. Altogether in Essex Petre had about 11,000 acres of freehold land and the lordship of seventeen manors, and these produced some £5,500 per annum or considerably more than half his total income from land. In addition he had a large estate on the opposite side of the country, in Devon. This lay in two distinct areas, one centred on Axminster and extending down the Axe valley and its tributaries, and the other in the southerly projection of the county on the southern edge of Dartmoor, where the principal possession was the vast moorland manor of South Brent. Besides the main estates in Essex and Devon, there were some isolated properties: the manor of Osmington down on the Dorset coast; Toddenham and Sutton in Gloucestershire; Kennett and Kentford on the Cambridgeshire-Suffolk border.


Religions ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 261
Author(s):  
Chenxing Han

This paper engages the perspectives of thirty young adult Asian American Buddhists (YAAABs) raised in non-Buddhist households. Grounded in semi-structured, one-on-one in-person and email interviews, my research reveals the family tensions and challenges of belonging faced by a group straddling multiple religious and cultural worlds. These young adults articulate their alienation from both predominantly white and predominantly Asian Buddhist communities in America. On the one hand, they express ambivalence over adopting the label of “convert” because of its Christian connotations as well as its associations with whiteness in the American Buddhist context. On the other hand, they lack the familiarity with Asian Buddhist cultures experienced by second- or multi-generation YAAABs who grew up in Buddhist families. In their nuanced responses to arguments that (1) American convert Buddhism is a non-Asian phenomenon, and (2) Asians in the West can only “revert” to Buddhism, these young adults assert the plurality and hybridity of their lived experiences as representative of all American Buddhists, rather than incidental characteristics of a fringe group within a white-dominated category.


1997 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Slater

There is still a tendency in contemporary currents of political theory to marginalize the spatialities of power. In this paper I argue that the development of a critical geopolitical imagination can help to illuminate issues of inside and outside, the transgression of borders, and the subversion of sovereignties, and that these issues are vital to our global understanding of democracy, justice, and ethics. I consider three interrelated questions. First, I emphasize the importance of situating the discussion of justice, equality, and power in a context which is not only transnational but in which a consideration of the geopolitics of power over other non-Western societies is also in the foreground. Second, I examine critically those treatments of ethics and politics that tend to isolate the national from the international, especially when the West is represented as a self-contained entity. Third, in the context of recent discussions on politics and the postmodern, I explore aspects of the ethics of difference and intersubjectivity. This is done against a general background of West–non-West relations, and the impact of geopolitical encounters.


Author(s):  
Arkebe Oqubay

Contemporary industrial hubs evolved in East Asia after the 1950s and have been associated with the industrial catch-up of the East Asian economies and their industrial policies. This chapter has three main objectives: to depict the path of hubs development in these pioneering economies and provide a synthesis of the East Asian experience; to extract relevant lessons for policymakers and practitioners; and to provide a perspective on how industrial hubs can synergize industrialization and technological catch-up. Although there are commonalities, experiences have been uneven across these economies with different stages of development. The experiences of the first-generation industrial hubs, namely, Taiwan (China), South Korea, and Singapore are reviewed, followed by China as the second generation. A synthesis, key observations, and conclusions are reviewed. The chapter will complement the other chapters under Part IV through synthesis and lessons, while it complements the analytical perspectives under Parts I and II of the Handbook, by building on arguments and conceptual perspectives.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Timo Kivimäki

One of the main trends in the international relations and international security, for the past two decades, has been the new eagerness to intervene into failed and autocratic countries if they fail to protect their own citizens. This trend has distinguished East Asia (including both Southeast and Northeast Asia) from the West. Generally, the distinction has been based on three differences in strategic orientations. First, the role of the military is seen differently in East Asia and the West. Secondly, the role of states as instruments of the protection of civilians is seen differently in the West and East Asia. Thirdly, there is a difference between East Asia and the West regarding to the expected role of the UN Security Council in the authorization of protection. This article investigates the consequences of the three different strategies on human security by reviewing existing literature and by combining new data on discourses of protection with conflict data on various indicators of human survival and welfare. While the Western strategic concept of human security is dominant and hegemonic in the global debate, it seems, on the basis of this investigation, that the East Asian strategy of self-restraint, non-militarism and respect for sovereignty is more effective in the protection of civilians.


2002 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 613-634 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARCELA MIOZZO

ABSTRACT East Asian countries have been successful at specialising in machinery and capital goods. Latin American countries, on the other hand, have retreated from these sectors, reinforcing their specialisation in resource-intensive goods. Institutional arrangements in place in both regions explain these divergences. In particular, the differences in the strategy and structure of leading firms, the nature of industrial promotion by the government, the development and support of small and medium-sized firms and the operation of foreign-owned firms may explain the respective success and failure in sectoral specialisation in machinery. Failure to develop these sectors may hinder the process of economic development.


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