Disarmament

Author(s):  
Keith Krause

This article evaluates the achievements and limitations of the world organization in the field of disarmament. It stresses the role of the UN as part of the efforts to control arms as a way to achieve international peace and security. It also notes specific cases where progress was achieved or not, as well as the more recent efforts to handle the problems of anti-personnel land mines and small arms and light weapons. The article also tries to draw out some of the broader implications for international relations of the UN experience with formal multilateral arms control, among others.

Author(s):  
Keith Krause

This chapter evaluates the achievements and limitations of the United Nations (including the Conference on Disarmament) in the field of disarmament, emphasizing the UN’s role as part of broader efforts to control arms as a means to achieve international peace and security. It presents an overview of UN disarmament efforts and discusses specific cases where progress was achieved, such as the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC), the Arms Trade Treaty, and efforts to tackle the problems of anti-personnel land mines and small arms and light weapons. Finally, it draws out the implications for international relations of the UN experience with formal multilateral arms control, disarmament and security-building processes by evaluating its role as a negotiating forum, a norm setter, an implementing agency, or an instrument of great power security governance.


2020 ◽  
Vol 76 (4) ◽  
pp. 569-586
Author(s):  
Peya Mushelenga

This article discusses aspects of Namibia’s foreign policy principles and how they impact on the values of democracy, and issue of peace and security in the region. The article will focus on the attainment of peace in Angola, democratisation of South Africa, and security situations in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Madagascar and Lesotho. The main question of this article is: To what extent has Namibia realised the objectives encapsulated in her foreign policy principles of striving for international peace and security and promote the values of democracy in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region? The assumption is that though relatively a newly established state, Namibia has made her contribution towards democracy, peace and security in the Southern Africa region and the world at large.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-30
Author(s):  
Rizqi Perdana Syarif

Abstract As of writing this article, the United Nations (UN) has turned 75 Years old. Formed from the end of World War II, the UN’s leadership is made up of the War’s victorious countries. The organization consists of 193 states from around the world. After 75 years, the UN has been criticized as being slow in responding to issues concerning International peace and security, even though the handling of such issues constitutes one of the main objectives of the UN. Proposals for UN reform have emerged since 1949 until today, but there were never any real efforts to restore the UN to its original function. Mandates from some Member States have urged the reformation of the organization. This paper discusses the efforts of the UN in responding to proposals for reform and the role of Indonesia as one of the member states of the UN. It is hoped that Indonesia can support and bring change to the UN. Keywords: Indonesia, Reform, UN   Abstrak Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa atau biasa disingkat PBB, sudah berumur 75 Tahun. Dibentuk dari berakhirnya perang dunia kedua, PBB dikuasai oleh para negara pemenang perang dunia. Lima Negara Anggota Permanent menginisiasi untuk membentuk PBB, dan kemudian bersama negara-negara di dunia membentuk Organisasi terbesar di dunia yang melingkupi 193 negara di seluruh dunia. Setelah 75 tahun usianya, PBB dinilai lambat dalam merespon isu yang berkaitan perdamaian dunia padahal isu tersebut merupakan tujuan dari dibentuknya PBB. Usulan untuk melakukan reformasi pun bergulir dari tahun 1949 hingga saat ini, namun belum pernah ada upaya yang riil untuk mengembalikan PBB kepada fungsi aslinya. Berdasarkan mandat dari beberapa negara Anggota PBB, PBB didesak untuk melakukan reformasi. Pada Makalah ini akan dibahas mengenai usaha yang dilakukan PBB dalam menyikapi Reformasi PBB dan Peran Indonesia sebagai salah satu negara anggota PBB. Indonesia sebagai negara anggota PBB berharap bahwa dukungannya dapat membawa perubahan bagi PBB. Kata Kunci: Indonesia, PBB, Reformasi


Author(s):  
Manuel Fröhlich

Dag Hammarskjöld’s term in office stands for an expansion of the UN’s activities for the maintenance of international peace and security. Despite the constraints of the Cold War, new tools for preventive diplomacy and peacekeeping were developed under his leadership. He also articulated a new doctrine for the world organization as well as the international civil service that built on various philosophical sources and central aspects of his personality. His interaction with the Security Council at the time was decisive in bringing about these innovations, but it also highlighted severe differences between the Secretary-General and leading member states. The Council that had given him unprecedented leeway in crisis situations became more and more disturbed by an all too active Secretary-General. The chapter traces the dynamics of the relationship between an active Secretary-General and an assertive, yet oftentimes divided Security Council in that crucial era.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michaela Martin ◽  
Hussein Solomon

The Islamic State (IS) took the global stage in June 2014 and since has become one of the greatest threats to international peace and security. While initially closely affiliated with Al-Qaeda, the IS has proved itself to be a distinct phenomenon of horror—more dangerous than Al-Qaeda. The group essentially established itself in the volatile Middle East, but has infiltrated many parts of the world with the aim of expanding Islam’s Holy War. What certainly makes the IS different from its predecessors is that the group has been labeled the wealthiest terrorist group in the world today. By the fall of 2015, IS generated an annual income of US$2.4 billion. The question for many analysts observing the situation in Syria is: where does the IS gets its money? The aim of this article is to critically observe the nature of IS and its funding requirements and the measures pursued in curtailing the group’s funding.


Author(s):  
Alexander Naumov

This article reviews the role of Anglo-German Naval Agreement of 1935 in escalation of crisis trends of the Versailles system. Leaning on the British Russian archival documents, which recently became available for the researchers, the author analyzes the reasons and consequences of conclusion of this agreement between the key European democratic power and Nazi Reich. Emphasis is placed on analyzing the moods within the political elite of the United Kingdom. It is proven that the agreement became a significant milestone in escalation of crisis trends in the Versailles model of international relations. It played a substantial role in establishment of the British appeasement policy with regards to revanchist powers in the interbellum; policy that objectively led to disintegration of the created in 1919 systemic mechanism, and thus, the beginning of the World War II. The novelty of this work is substantiated by articulation of the problem. This article is first within the Russian and foreign historiography to analyze execution of the Anglo-German Naval Agreement based on the previously unavailable archival materials. The conclusion is made that this agreement played a crucial role in the process of disintegration of interbellum system of international relations. Having officially sanctioned the violation of the articles of the Versailles Treaty of 1919 by Germany, Great Britain psychologically reconciled to the potential revenge of Germany, which found reflection in the infamous appeasement policy. This launched the mechanism for disruption of status quo that was established after the World War I in Europe. This resulted in collapse of the architecture of international security in the key region of the world, rapid deterioration of relations between the countries, and a new world conflict.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 58-74
Author(s):  
Dustin Johnson

In this paper I aim to provide a critical analysis of how Vancouver Principle (VP) 11 on the Contribution of Women to preventing the recruitment and use of child soldiers addresses gender and women’s involvement in peacekeeping. Critical feminist research on gender and war, the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, and international relations has examined and critiqued the important ways in which gender underlies, informs, and helps give meaning to matters of international peace and security. I draw on this diverse literature to discuss how VP 11 approaches gender and peacekeeping in a way that is at times problematic and at others nuanced and progressive, and provide concrete recommendations for how critical feminist insights can improve the implementation of the Vancouver Principles. The importance of understanding gender dynamics for peacekeeping in general, and for preventing the recruitment and use of children as soldiers in particular, necessitates more nuanced approaches to gender analysis and women’s participation. The implementation of VP 11 can support both of these areas.


Author(s):  
Al. A. Gromyko

The research is focused on several key problems in the system of international relations influenced by the COVID-19 pandemic. It is shown that the events caused by it and broadly identified as a coronacrisis have a direct impact on the world economic contradictions (pandenomica) and political ones, including the sphere of security. These particular aspects are chosen as the main objects of the research. The author contends that the factor of the pandemic has sharpened the competition between regional and global players and has increased the role of a nation- state. In the conditions of transregional deglobalisation, regionalism and “protectionism 2.0” get stronger under the banners of “strategic vulnerability” and “economic sovereignty”. A further weakening of multilateral international institutions continues. The EU endeavours to secure competitive advantages on the basis of relocalisation, industrial and digital policies and the Green Deal. The article highlights the deterioration in the relations among Russia, the US, the EU and China, the unfolding decoupling between Washington and its European allies, which stimulates the idea of the EU strategic autonomy. An urgent need for the deconfliction in Russia – NATO interaction is stated.


2020 ◽  
pp. 105-122
Author(s):  
Svetlana Cebotari ◽  
Selena Stejaru

Currently, we experience a conditional reality imposed by the COVID19 pandemic, with both immediate and long-lasting repercussions on the international system and the behavior of each state. For this reason and because the new virus has a dynamic evolution in time and space, research of the impact of the new virus is needed not only from a biogenetic perspective but also in the context of other fields, including the international relations realm. The events we are witnessing at the present challenge to keep up with transformations taking place in the international arena, especially those in the field of virology. As epidemics over time, viruses that cause them to change and occur constantly remain only the fact that they will always influence not only interpersonal relations but impose conditions for new realities in the system of international relations. This article aims to highlight the main gaps in the work of the institution responsible for maintaining peace and security in the international arena, especially in the context of the COVID-19 crisis.


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