Roman History, Essex, and Late Elizabethan Political Culture

Author(s):  
Paulina Kewes

Roman history had a shaping influence on early modern political culture. In the historiography, the focus has been typically on court-centred uses of Roman historians, principally Tacitus, or else on Shakespeare. By contrast, this chapter explores how late Elizabethan print publications representing a variety of non-dramatic genres deployed Roman history to sway educated classes beyond the confines of the political elite. More precisely, it considers the role ofromanitasin polemical writings responding to the rise and fall of the earl of Essex, the period’s most controversial political figure. The three instances described in the chapter—Romes Monarchie(1596), Clement Edmondes’sObservations upon . . . Caesars commentaries(1600), and William Fulbecke’sHistoricall Collection(1601)—show how ancient Rome could be appropriated and utilized by authors with different political agendas wishing to appeal to a broad range of publics.

Author(s):  
Наталья Львовна Пушкарёва

В статье проанализирована роль известной политической фигуры - вдовы посадника Исака Борецкого, знаменитой Марфы Борецкой - в экономической истории Новгорода в последний период его самостоятельности. Благодаря скрупулезным подсчётам владений и получаемого с них дохода доказано, что Марфа Борецкая была крупнейшей собственницей земельных богатств своего времени, не сравнимой ни с одной женщиной не только в Новгороде, но и в Москве. Статья оспаривает ранее сложившееся мнение в историографии о том, что экономическое значение приобретений Марфы Борецкой в годы её вдовства не играло заметной роли и не оказывало влияния на политическую составляющую отношений Новгорода и Москвы. Напротив, считает автор, хозяйствование Марфы Борецкой доказывает её исключительную деловую сметку и удачливость, быстрое богатение её самой и её детей, что объективно способствовало росту могущества всей Новгородчины. Именно экономический вес этой собственницы объясняет исключительную роль, которую она пыталась на себя взять, спасая устойчивую новгородскую политическую систему. The article analyzes the role of a famous political figure - the widow of the mayor Isak Boretsky, the famous Martha Boretskaya - in the economic history of Novgorod in the last period of its independence. Thanks to scrupulous calculations of the properties and the income received from them, it has been proved that Martha Boretskaya was the largest owner of land wealth of her time, incomparable with any woman not only in Novgorod, but also in Moscow. The article disputes the earlier opinion in historiography that the economic significance of the acquisitions of Marfa Boretskaya during the years of her widowhood did not play a noticeable role and did not affect the political component of relations between Novgorod and Moscow. On the contrary, the author believes, the management of Martha Boretskaya proves her exceptional economic savvy and luck, the rapid wealth of herself and her children, which objectively contributed to the growth of the power of the entire Novgorod region. It is the economic weight of this owner that explains the exceptional role that she tried to take upon herself, saving the stable Novgorod political system.


2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-17
Author(s):  
Fiona Williamson

This article tells the story of a contested provincial election for sheriff which took place in Norwich during 1627. In light of recent scholarly critiques of studies that frame the early-modern period in terms of binary opposites, this article demonstrates that 1620s political culture is hard to define in such stark terms. Through a close reading of the events, characters, and outcomes of the election, this article also shows the importance of embedding local peculiarities into wider historiographical narratives of change, or continuity, and reveals the essential role of the urban middling sorts in shaping the political narratives of the Stuart period.


Author(s):  
Laurence Publicover

This chapter analyses the ways in which the collaborative drama The Travels of the Three English Brothers defends the Sherley brothers’ real-world political endeavours across Europe and Persia through its intertheatrical negotiations. Explaining the political background of those endeavours and their controversial nature, it illustrates how the playwrights liken the Sherleys to the heroes of dramas that had been popular on the early modern stage over the preceding twenty years, in particular Tamburlaine and The Merchant of Venice. It also examines the significance of Francis Beaumont’s specific parody, in The Knight of the Burning Pestle, of an episode in Travels in which the Persian Sophy acts as godfather to the child of Robert Sherley. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the role of playing companies in shaping dramatic output.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 88
Author(s):  
Galina Viktorovna Morozova ◽  
Artur Romanovich Gavrilov ◽  
Bulat Ildarovich Yakupov

If we sum up the tasks facing the Russian state in relation to the young generation, then all of them are associated with its harmonious inclusion in the social and political development of the country. At the normative level, the current need is declared for young people to form active citizenship and democratic political culture, which is possible only in a constant and equal dialogue between the authorities and young people. Ensuring the interaction of the younger generation with the political elite presupposes the existence of certain conditions - the creation and effective functioning of the information infrastructure of youth policy, as well as the conduct of an open active information policy. The article describes the results of a study of the political status of students of the capital of Tatarstan - Kazan, in particular, such parameters as youth interest in political information, trust in the sources of this information, and political participation. Together with the data of secondary studies, this made it possible to characterize the youth sector of political communication, identify the existing difficulties in the interaction of the government and youth, in particular, identify some difficulties in receiving and disseminating political information among the youth, which impede the development of a democratic political culture and the accumulation of social capital of the young generation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 118-150
Author(s):  
Matthew Leigh

This paper studies examples of how exponents of Roman declamation could insert into arguments on the trivial, even fantastic, cases known as controuersiae statements of striking relevance to the political culture of the triumviral and early imperial period. This is particularly apparent in the Controuersiae of Seneca the Elder but some traces remain in the Minor Declamations attributed to Quintilian. The boundaries separating Rome itself from the declamatory city referred to by modern scholars as Sophistopolis are significantly blurred even in those instances where the exercise does not turn on a specific event from Roman history, and there is much to be gained from how the declaimers deploy Roman historical examples. Some of the most sophisticated instances of mediated political comment exploit the employment of universalizing sententiae, which have considerable bite when they are related to contemporary Roman discourse and experience. The declamation schools are a forum for thinking through the implications of the transformation of the Roman state and deserve a place within any history of Roman political thought.


Author(s):  
Yuri Pines

This chapter explores the reasons for the recurrence of large-scale popular uprisings throughout imperial history. It considers how the idea of rebellion correlates with fundamental principles of Chinese political culture, such as monarchism and intellectual elitism. Moreover, the chapter looks at why the rebellions serve to support rather than disrupt the empire's longevity. These issues are then related to the broader issue of the political role of the “people,” here referring primarily, although not exclusively, to the lower strata, in the Chinese imperial enterprise. In answering these questions, this chapter focuses on ideological and social factors that both legitimated rebellions and also enabled their accommodation within the imperial enterprise.


2020 ◽  
pp. 205789112091721
Author(s):  
Mohammad Hidayaturrahman ◽  
Bonaventura Ngarawula ◽  
Kridawati Sadhana

The political investors in the regional head election in Indonesia are an interesting phenomenon to be studied, as not all candidates for regional head, whether governors, regents, or mayors, have the capital to financially support their candidacy. Meanwhile, the nomination fee from has been increasing. For instance, in one of the regencies in Indonesia, the cost has reached 30 billion rupiah. This provides opportunities for regional head candidates to be financed by other people or business groups, known as political investors. This research was conducted to determine the extended role of political investors in regional head elections. This descriptive qualitative research collected data through in-depth interviews and observations as well as online and paper documents. The results showed that political investors play an essential role in enabling regional head candidates to win, and that they in turn benefited from the elections.


Author(s):  
Felix Jäger

This essay charts the role of armor in Renaissance practices of knowledge. Since the advent of gunpowder warfare, armor was largely unfit for combat, yet still became a centerpiece of princely representation and was prominently displayed in early collection spaces. Rather than illustrating chivalric virtues or antiquarian taste, such suits in my reading signal a shift towards a physiological fashioning of learning. Through juxtaposing two key sets of armor – one ‘gothic’ suit situated in the studiolo, the other a ‘grotesque’ garniture for a chamber of curiosities –, my paper traces how these embodied settings conflated epistemological with political sensibilities. While the earlier ensemble acted as a mnemonic ‘prosthesis’ that enhanced the mind of the wearer, the latter evoked natural history imagery to remap the order of things around personal authority. Objects of armor thus spotlight the interplay of material and political culture in engineering the early modern subject.El presente ensayo traza el papel de las armaduras en las costumbres renacentistas del conocimiento. Desde la aparición de las armas de pólvora, las armaduras dejaron de ser apropiadas para el combate, si bien todavía constituyeron una pieza central de representaciones principescas y fueron ampliamente expuestas en espacios de colección. En lugar de ilustrar las virtudes caballerescas o los estilos como antigüedades, estas vestimentas señalan, a mi entender, un giro hacia el conocimiento fisiológico de la moda. A través de la yuxtaposición de dos conceptos clave de las armaduras –uno como vestimenta gótica emplazada en el studiolo (taller de arte), otro como decoración «grotesca» en una sala de curiosidades – mi texto indaga cómo estos elementos ajustados al cuerpo confrontaban las sensibilidades epistemológicas y políticas. Mientras que las primeras actuaban como una prótesis que fortalece la mente del que las usa, las segundas evocan la imaginería de la historia natural para recolocar el orden de las cosas alrededor de la autoridad personal. Las armaduras enfocan de este modo la interacción entre la cultura material y la política en el desarrollo del sujeto moderno.


1979 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 129-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor Morgan

Some four hundred years ago this month Stephen Limbert, master of Norwich School, stood before the gates of the Great Hospital and addressed his well-turned Latin phrases to an audience almost as eminent as that gathered here today. Elizabeth I and her mobile summer court were on progress, and Norwich, the second city of the kingdom and capital of a region that was both the agricultural and manufacturing heartland of England, was determined to impress its monarch with both its loyalty to the Tudor dynasty and its contribution to the common weal—so it hired an impecunious London hack, sometime soldier and court hanger-on, Thomas Churchyard, to write the script. In part, at least, this no doubt accounts for the frequently reiterated commonplaces of Elizabethan propaganda embodied in such of those pageants and speeches as survived the intermittent downpours that sent both Her Majesty and her municipal hosts scurrying for cover on more than one occasion during her visit. Neither did Master Limbert's disquisition differ in its enthusiasm for Elizabethan rule from those of his metropolitan confrère. ‘It is reported’, he told Her Majesty, ‘that Aegypte is watered with the yerely overflowing of the Nilus, and Lydia with the golden streame of Pactolus, whyche thing is thought to be the cause of the greate fertilytye of these countries: but uppon us, and farther, over all Englande, even into the uttermoste borders, many and maine rivers of godlynesse, justice and humilitie, and other inumerable good things … do most plentifully gush out … from that continuall and most aboundaunt welspring of your goodnesse … With what prayses shall wee extoll, with what magnificent wordes shall we expresse, that notable mercie of your Highnesse, most renowned Queene’, sentiments that earned the former Norwich schoolmaster the Queen's invitation to kiss her ungloved hands, and sentiments that direct our attention to the symbols and image-creating aspects of the political culture of renaissance England.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 51-65
Author(s):  
Paul R. DeHart ◽  

In Pagans & Christians in the City, Steven D. Smith argues that in contrast to ancient Rome, ancient Christianity, following Judaism, located the sacred outside the world, desacralizing the cosmos and everything in it—including the political order. It thereby introduced a political dualism and potentially contending allegiances. Although Smith’s argument is right so far as it goes, it underplays the role of Christianity’s immanent dimension in subverting the Roman empire and the sacral pattern of antiquity. This division of authority not only undermined the Roman empire and antique sacral political order more generally—it also subverts the modern state, which, in the work of Hobbes and Rousseau, sought to remarry what Western Christianity divorced.


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