Contentions over World Culture: The Rise of Legal Restrictions on Foreign Funding to NGOs, 1994–2015

Social Forces ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 99 (1) ◽  
pp. 281-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Bromley ◽  
Evan Schofer ◽  
Wesley Longhofer

Abstract The last two decades have witnessed an unprecedented rise in government restrictions on foreign funding to nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Often in the name of defending the nation from outside influences, over 60 countries have implemented laws limiting foreign funding to NGOs. We use event history analyses to evaluate domestic and global explanations for the adoption of these policies over the period 1994–2015. Prior work has argued that funding restrictions result from real or perceived threats to political regimes, especially in countries with competitive elections. We add to this story by situating it in a larger global and cultural context: new funding laws are part of a growing backlash against the liberal international order, which has long sponsored international and domestic NGOs devoted to issues such as human rights and the environment. In an era of increasing resistance toward globally linked civil society groups—the primary carriers of liberal world society—NGO funding restrictions are now diffusing widely across the international system. We argue that restriction policies will be most common among countries that are linked to illiberal or anti-Western organizations and discourses in the international community. Moreover, adoption will accelerate as more countries do it, representing a growing “wave” or backlash against the liberal international order. Findings support the prior literature as well as our new arguments regarding illiberal international organizations and global backlash.

2014 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Hurd

The international rule of law is often seen as a centerpiece of the modern international order. It is routinely reaffirmed by governments, international organizations, scholars, and activists, who credit it with reducing the recourse to war, preserving human rights, and constraining (albeit imperfectly) the pursuit of state self-interests. It is commonly seen as supplanting coercion and power politics with a framework of mutual interests that is cemented by state consent.


2012 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 507-527
Author(s):  
Jelena Stojsic

Although international organizations as subjects of international law are obliged to respect fundamental human rights in their acting, a very small number of them are contracting parties to international instruments for human rights protection, unlike their member states, which are contracting parties to many of them. As international organizations take more and more activities that can and often result in violation of human rights there is an obvious problem to what forum victims of those violations can turn to for determining responsibility of the international organization. The European Court of Human Rights and the European Court of Justice have developed through their practices modalities for indirect control of acts of international organizations by controlling the acts of their member states, which result from their duties as members of those organizations. The paper assumes that such control is efficient and that it fills the void in the international system of determining responsibility for violation of human rights through acts of international organizations according to which, the states basically keep on being responsible for violation of human rights.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 198-214
Author(s):  
Felipe Bernardo Estre

O artigo faz uma crítica de Poder e interdependência, publicada em 1977 por Robert Keohane e Joseph Nye, com o objetivo de desvelar o teor normativo da obra. Argumenta-se que, ao contrário do que os autores afirmam, os novos processos políticos que caracterizam a política internacional desde o início do século XX não necessariamente resultaram na diminuição da hierarquia no sistema internacional. Pelo contrário, as organizações internacionais permitem a articulação de outras formas de discriminação entre os Estados que não podem ser resumidas a fatores econômicos ou assimetrias de poder. O cerne da discussão sobre a hierarquia na obra de Keohane e Nye está no próprio conceito de interdependência complexa, o qual divide o sistema internacional entre os “avançados” e aqueles que não podem fazer parte desse grupo. As organizações internacionais, portanto, não seriam fatores que diminuiriam a hierarquia no sistema internacional, mas reproduziriam discriminações por meio da atribuição de “capacidades dependentes de organizações”.     Abstract: The article is a critic Power and Interdependence, published in 1977 by Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye, with the goal of exposing the normative content of the book. It is argued that, contrary to what the authors say, the new political processes that characterize international politics since the beginning of the twentieth century did not result necessarily in the decrease of international hierarchy. On the contrary, international organizations allow the articulation of other forms of discrimination among the states that cannot be reduced to economic factors or asymmetries of power. The core discussion about hierarchy in the work of Keohane and Nye is on the very concept of complex interdependence, which divides the international system between the "advanced" and those that cannot join this group. Therefore, international organizations would not be factors that decrease the hierarchy in the international system but reproduce discrimination through the allocation of “organizationally dependent capabilities”. Key words: Interdependence; hierarchy; international order.     Recebido em: setembro/2018.Aprovado em: março/2019.


2014 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 623-645 ◽  
Author(s):  
TOM BENTLEY

AbstractUnexpectedly, several prominent European countries have begun to issue official state apologies to their former colonies. What does this proliferation of official colonial sorrow from such countries as Germany, Belgium, Italy, and Britain reveal about the normative tenets of the contemporary international order? This article analyses colonial apologies as crucial symbolic and ritualistic sites where state elites project liberal credentials and affirm liberal normative tenets in the international system. Specifically, the article demonstrates how these apologies for colonial atrocity appear to reinforce liberal conceptions of human rights, the renunciation of violence, cordial relations with formerly colonised states, and commitments to state accountability and transparency. Yet, textual analysis of several state apologies reveals that these performatives simultaneously contradict each of these liberal tenets. It finds that – even in apology – political elites reflect ambivalence about certain human rights violations; persist in glorifying or sanitising the violent colonial past; recycle paternalistic and hierarchical discourses and policies towards the apology's recipients; and offer contradictory notions of the state's historical responsibility. In exposing these performative contradictions of empirical sorrow, the article seeks to expand the discipline's understandings of, and dilemmas within, a key performative and ritualistic legitimation strategy whereby liberalism reproduces itself in the international system.


Author(s):  
Phillip Y. Lipscy ◽  
Nobuhiko Tamaki

Japan’s emergence as a great power and economic powerhouse coincided with the rise of international organizations in global politics. International organizations now facilitate cooperation in essentially all arenas of international relations. This article surveys major academic debates about Japan and international organizations across three time periods: from the Meiji Restoration until World War II; the postwar liberal international order; and the recent era of contestation. Japan has played a variety of roles—as creator, reformer, and disruptor of international organizations. After World War II, Japan contributed actively to the liberal international order as a key democratic ally of the United States. Recent shifts in the international system and Japanese domestic politics are reconfiguring Japan’s policy toward international organizations, opening exciting avenues for future research.


2016 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 513-533 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karolina M. Milewicz ◽  
Robert E. Goodin

Theories of deliberation, developed largely in the context of domestic politics, are becoming increasingly relevant for international politics. The recently established Universal Periodic Review (UPR) operating under the auspices of the UN’s Human Rights Council is an excellent illustration. Our analysis of responses to its reports and recommendations suggests that the deliberative processes surrounding the UPR do indeed evoke co-operative responses even from countries with poor human rights records. Its highly inclusive, deliberative, repeated-play and peer-to-peer nature can serve as a model for how international organizations more generally can enhance deliberative capacity across the international system.


Author(s):  
Tareq Mohammed Dhannoon AL Taie

The BRICS countries have a historical aspiration for global leadership, especially Russia and China, and other countries trying to have a position in the pyramid of international powers in the twenty-first century, especially Brazil, India and South Africa, they worked to unify their efforts, in order to achieve integration in the strategic action, activate its role in International affairs, ending American domination , and restructuring an international system that have an active role in its interactions.       The research hypothesis is based on the idea that the BRICS group, despite the nature of its economic composition and its long-term goals, but its political influence as a bloc, is greater than the proportion of its economic influence in restructuring the new international order. The BRICS group has the capabilities to reshape the international order, but disputes among some of its members represent a challenge to its future work. Its goals will not be achieved without teamwork. Third world countries, especially those that reject unipolarism, have regarded one of the pillars supporting multi-polarity, aiming of giving them freedom of movement in international relations. The ultimate goal of the BRICS is a political nature, as economic mechanisms are used to achieve political goals.


Author(s):  
Salah Hassan Mohammed ◽  
Mahaa Ahmed Al-Mawla

The Study is based on the state as one of the main pillars in international politics. In additions, it tackles its position in the international order from the major schools perspectives in international relations, Especially, these schools differ in the status and priorities of the state according to its priorities, also, each scholar has a different point of view. The research is dedicated to providing a future vision of the state's position in the international order in which based on the vision of the major schools in international relations.


2020 ◽  
pp. 92-97
Author(s):  
A. V. Kuznetsov

The article examines the norms of international law and the legislation of the EU countries. The list of main provisions of constitutional and legal restrictions in the European Union countries is presented. The application of the norms is described Human rights conventions. The principle of implementing legal acts in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic is considered. A comparative analysis of legal restrictive measures in the States of the European Union is carried out.


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