scholarly journals Sugar Price Supports and Taxation

2017 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 143-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abby Dilk ◽  
Dennis A. Savaiano
Keyword(s):  
2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (18) ◽  
pp. 3431-3439
Author(s):  
Paraskevi Seferidi ◽  
Anthony A Laverty ◽  
Jonathan Pearson-Stuttard ◽  
Maria Guzman-Castillo ◽  
Brendan Collins ◽  
...  

AbstractObjectiveAn industry levy on sugar-sweetened beverages (SSB) was implemented in the UK in 2018. One year later, Brexit is likely to change the UK trade regime with potential implications for sugar price. We modelled the effect of potential changes in sugar price due to Brexit on SSB levy impacts upon CHD mortality and inequalities.DesignWe modelled a baseline SSB levy scenario; an SSB levy under ‘soft’ Brexit, where the UK establishes a free trading agreement with the EU; and an SSB levy under ‘hard’ Brexit, in which World Trade Organization tariffs are applied. We used the previously validated IMPACT Food Policy model and probabilistic sensitivity analysis to estimate the effect of each scenario on CHD deaths prevented or postponed and life-years gained, stratified by age, sex and socio-economic circumstance, in 2021.SettingEngland.SubjectsAdults aged 25 years or older.ResultsThe SSB levy was associated with approximately 370 (95 % uncertainty interval 220, 560) fewer CHD deaths and 4490 (2690, 6710) life-years gained in 2021. Associated reductions in CHD mortality were 4 and 8 % greater under ‘soft’ and ‘hard’ Brexit scenarios, respectively. The SSB levy was associated with approximately 110 (50, 190) fewer CHD deaths in the most deprived quintile compared with 60 (20, 100) in the most affluent, under ‘hard’ Brexit.ConclusionsOur study found the SSB levy resilient to potential effects of Brexit upon sugar price. Even under ‘hard’ Brexit, the SSB levy would yield benefits for CHD mortality and inequalities. Brexit negotiations should deliver a fiscal and regulatory environment which promotes population health.


1983 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-17
Author(s):  
Andrew M. Novakovic

Dairy product markets have been burdened with excess supplies since late 1979. The principal cause of these surpluses is overly high government price supports. This situation can be traced to a series of policy decisions made in the mid-1970s.The evolution of dairy policy during the last 10 years is examined and the implications of recent policy proposals are explored. The contributions of agricultural economists to the formulation of rational dairy policy is discussed and suggestions for improving their contributions to and influence on policy are made.


Author(s):  
Andrew Schmitz ◽  
James L. Seale ◽  
Claudine Chegini

Abstract Beef is a highly protected commodity in Japan and the number of studies on the impact of beef import tariff reduction has increased in light of the controversy over the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPPA), in which the gains from freer trade in beef was a major point of discussion. We estimate that an 11% tariff reduction for Japanese imports of both Australian and U.S. beef can generate a net welfare gain to Japan of between US$92 million and US$915 million. These results are not overly sensitive to whether beef is treated as homogeneous or heterogeneous. A more significant determinant of welfare gains is the extent to which farm policy would be decoupled along with tariff reductions. Under a decoupled farm program, producer welfare can remain unchanged while the net gain from freer trade is identical to that of complete removal of price supports with no compensation to producers. Therefore, negotiators for U.S. and Australian beef interests should lobby for both lowered tariffs and a decoupling of domestic farm policy within the importing country. This seems to have been the case as Japan was willing to move toward a more decoupled farm program under the TPPA.


2014 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 311-319
Author(s):  
Barry J. Barnett

“Farm bill” is a colloquial term for omnibus legislation that authorizes various government programs related to agriculture, food, and rural areas. Some of these programs have their roots in New Deal legislation. Others were initially authorized after the New Deal and subsequently included in farm bills. Some debate exists about exactly which omnibus legislation was the precursor of modern-day farm bills. However, since at least 1973, farm bills have included titles related to farm programs, trade, rural development, farm credit, conservation, agricultural research, food and nutrition programs, and marketing. Beginning in 2008, crop insurance-authorizing language was also included in the farm bill.Farm bills generally have a life of approximately five years. In the case of farm support programs (typically authorized in Title 1), the farm billtemporarily amends permanent legislation. When the farm bill expires, theseprograms revert to permanent legislation (from the 1930s and 1940s) unless a new farm bill is adopted that again temporarily amends permanent legislation. The permanent legislation would put in place price supports, at extremely high levels, for many agricultural commodities, distorting markets and greatly increasing federal costs. The specter of reverting to permanent legislation has, through the years, been used by Congress to ensure that future Congresses will replace expiring farm bills with new legislation.


1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. Neill Schaller ◽  
R. J. Hildreth

In past decades, agricultural policy was always thought of as policy toward farmers who produce our food and fiber or other rural people who depend on farmers for their livelihood. Accordingly, past policies were translated into programs of research, education, electrification, price supports, and related commodity programs.After a time, it was realized that many farmers did not benefit from price and income programs in particular. They lacked the resources to enter the commercial market through which price programs operated. It was decided that the problems facing these people called for credit and other special programs to help them graduate into the commercial field.


1983 ◽  
Vol 65 (3) ◽  
pp. 626-628 ◽  
Author(s):  
John R. Groenewegen ◽  
Kenneth C. Clayton

Author(s):  
Kazi Abrar Hossain ◽  
Syed Abul Basher ◽  
A.K. Enamul Haque

Purpose The purpose of this study is to quantify the impact of Ramadan on both the level and the growth of global raw sugar price. Design/methodology/approach The study uses a dummy and a fractional variable to capture Ramadan to overcome the asynchronicity of time between Ramadan fasting (which is based on the Islamic lunar calendar) and the movement in prices (which follows the Gregorian solar calendar). To capture the seasonality of sugar production, the data on sugar price span 34 years so that the Islamic calendar makes a complete cycle of the Gregorian calendar. The empirical model is estimated using both autoregressive integrated moving average model and unobserved components model. Findings The results show that monthly raw sugar prices in the global market increases by roughly 6.06 per cent (or $17.78 per metric ton) every year ahead of Ramadan. Practical implications The study illustrates the implications of the results for the consumption of imported sugar in Bangladesh. Originality/value The study uses a broader set of Ramadan indicators in its empirical models and checks the robustness of its baseline model using the unobserved components model. It also performs seasonal unit root tests on the global raw sugar prices.


1961 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-340

The International Wheat Council held its 31st session in London from November 7 to 19, 1960, for the purpose of reviewing the world wheat situation in accordance with article 21 of the 1959 International Wheat Agreement. The meeting was attended by representatives of 29 member countries and by observers from the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and the European Economic Community. According to the press, the results of the second annual review, published on December 12, 1960, revealed that although climatic conditions had created unusually favorable preconditions for an expansion of the world wheat trade during 1960–61, the world surplus at the end of the season was expected to be larger than ever. The press reported that the cause of the wheat surplus problem was government intervention in production, pricing, and trading. Government measures introduced during and shortly after World War II to meet supply deficiencies in a war-disrupted world had been allowed to continue in effect, although the years since the war had seen growing surpluses. According to reports, there had been few changes in national policies affecting producer price supports in 1960; among 25 cases classified by the Council, supports had been reduced in only two instances, while in six instances they had been raised and in seventeen they had remained unchanged. In the four main wheat exporting countries—the United States, Canada, Argentina, and Australia—the end-of-season carry-overs as of July 31 were expected to reach an unprecedented total of 60.4 million metric tons, 37.3 million metric tons over the normal stock surplus. The ultimate solution of wheat surplus problems, concluded the press, depended on a growing adjustment of national wheat policies to international realities.


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