Islamists may reap some benefits from Sudan’s coup

Significance The Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC) coalition of civilian and rebel groups have rejected the deal, but Hamdok has justified it on the grounds that (among other things) it will prevent the return of the former ruling National Congress Party (NCP), apparently responding to ongoing speculation over whether NCP-era Islamists influenced Burhan’s October 25 coup. Impacts Burhan will probably limit the work of the Empowerment Removal Committee, which aims to dismantle NCP-era power structures. Any empowerment of Islamists will likely be selective, to avoid alienating regional powers or FFC figures who might be open to cooperation. A marked turn towards Islamism would undermine the chances of a peace deal with holdout rebel groups who seek a secular state.

Subject Dissolution of Sudan's former ruling party. Significance The transitional government on November 28 approved a law dissolving the National Congress Party (NCP), the former ruling party that held power since 1989 under deposed President Omar al-Bashir. The dissolution responds to a key demand of the protesters who forced the NCP and Bashir out of power. It also provides some temporary relief for a transitional government burdened by huge expectations and challenges on all sides. Impacts The new law is based on accountability but will not be a substitute for criminal justice proceedings against former NCP officials. Although the committee is not mandated to investigate individual responsibility for crimes, its work may inform criminal investigations. Tracing NCP assets may prove challenging given the number of deals that were transacted in cash.


Subject Sudan's draft electoral law. Significance The ruling National Congress Party (NCP) is poised to table a controversial draft electoral law ahead of elections scheduled for 2020. President Omar al-Bashir is also widely expected to seek a constitutional amendment to allow him to run for office again, after the NCP nominated him as its party candidate in August. Opposition parties have rejected the electoral law, which they see as evidence of Bashir’s intention to manipulate the process to ensure his victory. Impacts Some opposition and political forces may look to forge new political coalitions or alliances to increase their leverage. Bashir’s intransigence over his re-election will strain relations with key foreign partners such as the United States. Deep economic crisis and hardships for ordinary Sudanese will amplify domestic discontent with the NCP’s rule.


Subject The ruling party's response to the Sudan protests. Significance President Omar al-Bashir and the ruling National Congress Party (NCP) continue to face severe pressure from recurrent public protests that began last December. Chronic economic difficulties have contributed to civil unrest and protesters have called for Bashir to step down. Impacts New protest escalations are likely but may be short-lived. Security forces will continue to use harsh measures to deter protesters. The government will likely seek further political and financial support from the Gulf.


Subject The presidential and parliamentary elections in April. Significance President Omar Hassan al-Bashir has been in power for nearly 26 years. In the past four years Bashir and the ruling National Congress Party (NCP) have weathered the secession of South Sudan, economic stagnation, protests and renewed armed conflict in parts of the country. The government has committed itself to holding full elections on April 13-15 in line with the electoral timetable, but much of the competitive politicking has already taken place. Impacts Economic policy and practice will not change, with government departments suffering from politicisation and interests that deter reform. The low-level conflicts in Blue Nile, South Kordofan and Darfur will remain unresolved. Khartoum and central and northern Sudan will remain secure unless a political crisis occurs at the centre.


Subject Sudan’s ruling party, its capabilities and political implications. Significance President Omar al-Bashir has been in power for 27 years, supported by the National Congress Party (NCP) and its predecessor, the National Islamic Front (NIF). Following the completion last year of a 'national dialogue', the government is ostensibly due to form a new cabinet this year. While some breakaway or new political parties cooperate with the NCP, the core Sudanese opposition parties -- long-standing and newer ones -- continue to oppose the government; some boycotted the national dialogue. Impacts The national security apparatus will maintain tight controls on Sudanese activists and media. The government will look to Arab allies for further budgetary assistance. New anti-government protests and strikes remain a risk.


Significance The government’s attention is now shifting to rebels. The authorities face threats from multiple sides -- rebel groups, Boko Haram, the turmoil in the Central African Republic and the transition in Sudan -- and placating at least some rebels would help the ruling Military Transition Council (CMT) to narrow its list of concerns. Impacts Further rebel incursions would swiftly draw the attention of France, which has intervened multiple times on behalf of Chadian governments. The authorities are likely to set a date for the inclusive national dialogue soon, especially if they can secure some rebel participation. The national dialogue will symbolise confidence in the transition, but not substantive unity.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juma Bananuka ◽  
Musa Kasera ◽  
Grace Muganga Najjemba ◽  
Doreen Musimenta ◽  
Bob Ssekiziyivu ◽  
...  

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to report on the results of a study carried out to examine the mediating effect of attitude in the relationship between subjective norm, religiosity and intention to adopt Islamic banking in a developing secular state like Uganda. Design/methodology/approach This study’ research design was cross sectional. Closed ended questionnaires were distributed to 258 managers of micro businesses in Uganda. Data were analyzed with the help of SPSS v22 and MedGraph program (Excel version). Findings Attitude is a significant mediator in the relationship between subjective norm and intention to adopt Islamic banking. Also, attitude significantly mediates the relationship between religiosity and intention to adopt Islamic banking. Research limitations/implications The study used only a single research methodological approach; therefore, future research could be undertaken using a mixed-methods approach. Practical implications Emphasis should be put on improving the mindsets of Ugandans toward Islamic banking. Originality/value While there has been a number of studies on Islamic banking, this study provides an initial empirical evidence on the mediation effect of attitude in the relationship between subjective norm, religiosity and intention to adopt Islamic banking in a single study in an African developing secular state like Uganda.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eimi Tagore-Erwin

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to identify and analyze the influence that globalization has had on the development of the contemporary Japanese art production. The study also aims to expand the global narrative of Japanese art by introducing concepts behind festivals for revitalization that have been occurring in Japan in recent years. Design/methodology/approach Guided by Culture Theorist Nira Yuval-Davies’ approach to the politics of belonging, the paper is situated within cultural studies and considers the development of contemporary art in Japan in relation to the power structures present within the global art market. This analysis draws heavily from the research of art historians Reiko Tomii, Adrian Favell, and Gennifer Weisenfeld, and is complemented by investigative research into the life of Art Director Kitagawa Fram, as well as observational analyses formed by on-site study of the Setouchi Triennale in 2015 and 2016. Findings The paper provides historical insight to the ways that the politics of belonging to the western world has created a limited benchmark for critical discussion about contemporary Japanese art. It suggests that festivals for revitalization in Japan not only are a good source of diversification, but also evidences criticism therein. Research limitations/implications Due to the brevity of this text, readers are encouraged to further investigate the source material for more in-depth understanding of the topics. Practical implications The paper implies that art historiography should take a multilateral approach to avoid a western hegemony in the field. Originality/value This paper fulfills a need to reflect on the limited global reception to Japanese art, while also identifying one movement that art historians and theorists may take into account in the future when considering a Japanese art discourse.


2015 ◽  
Vol 36 (8/9) ◽  
pp. 570-583 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Storey

Purpose – Constructing academic library learning spaces involves ad hoc groups of agents often with fuzzy inter-relationships. Librarians and their user communities are initially hailed within these groups as prime-movers in realizing projects. Librarians bring to the table contagious ideas generated from their own profession in the hope of securing appropriate funding and planning pre-requisites. All other agents, be they internal community representatives or external architects, assist them in making sense of each other’s standpoints to co-create dynamic learning spaces in “commons consent”. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach – Using the community culture in The Chinese University of Hong Kong as existed in 2012 as a case study, this paper examines the reality of this process in terms of a new library for learning, teaching and research. Findings – Can librarians hold sway over the priorities of other individual agents, particularly architects, to gain consent to build their initial concept of the commons which they are vigorously promoting as professionally valid and educationally potent? In the co-creation of a building, individual preferences and organizational power structures in ad hoc groups drawn from the university’s distinct cultural environment fuel compromise and even tension around the librarians’ and architects’ original visions. Research limitations/implications – Many other case studies of library building learning commons projects would be useful to add to these findings in sensemaking, co-creation and community cultures. Practical implications – Assists library managers in their management of large buildings projects. Originality/value – An original case study of a major Asian academic library learning commons project which involves sensemaking, co-creation and community cultures ideas imported from construction science.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 243-259
Author(s):  
Paula Vermuë

Abstract This article illustrates the de-politicisation and re-politicisation of the fight against gender-based violence and femicide in Cape Town, South Africa. Firstly, this article shows how gender-based violence and femicide has been de-politicised through a conservative political narrative of the African National Congress (ANC) and through restricting funding relationships between Northern donor organisations and womxn’s NGOs in Cape Town. Secondly, I argue that, with the emerge of a new autonomous feminist movement in 2018, the Total Shutdown (TTS), the re-politicisation of gender-based violence happened on multiple levels. Not only did the activist movement manage to put gender-based violence back on the political agenda, it also helped NGO benefactors to reconnect with their feminist goals to end femicide in South Africa. This research is based on ethnographic fieldwork in Cape Town from September 2018 until January 2019 and includes the stories of Capetonian NGO benefactors and TTS activists.


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