Kremlin tightens grip on Russian regional governance

Significance The legislation is the most radical and comprehensive reform of centre-regional relations since Vladimir Putin became president in 1999. Formalising and consolidating a steady process of political centralisation, it further shifts powers from the regional heads and assemblies to the president and the federal executive. Impacts After years of attempts to forge a Russia-wide ethos, local identity politics will become more visible. The September regional elections are another opportunity to pre-select regional leaders before they are approved by voters. Regional leaders removed and replaced ahead of the elections may include the Communist head of Khakassia, Valentin Konovalov.

Subject The United Russia party's search for a meaningful role. Significance President Vladimir Putin has reaffirmed the central role of the governing United Russia party but instructed it to improve its performance. He was speaking on day two of a December 7-8 party congress held in the aftermath of reverses in regional elections and falling popular support. The party duly promised to mend its ways with a training school to raise standards and new ethics procedures, but offered no new policy ideas. Impacts Putin snubbed United Russia by being re-elected as an independent but has turned back to the party in hope of reinvigorating it. United Russia has no collective voice on foreign policy issues such as Ukraine or Western sanctions; it must stick to its assigned role. The Kremlin will watch United Russia's regional governors closely and assess their ability to contain local grievances. If United Russia is failing, the Kremlin may have to examine alternative mechanisms for picking Putin's successor.


Significance Opposition to the retirement age increase is widespread, with frequent street protests, Communist successes in the regional elections and talk of a referendum. President Vladimir Putin initially stayed out of the debate but finally stepped in on August 29, offering some concessions but backing the thrust of the reform in a television address to the nation. Impacts The pension reform controversy shows the limits to Putin's vision of a purely technocratic, apolitical government. The issue also highlights the deficiencies of state-controlled narratives when people do not want to listen. The Communist Party has a rare chance to grow into a stronger force but is unlikely to seize this opportunity under its current leadership.


Subject Prospects for Russian politics to end-2017. Significance President Vladimir Putin is likely to announce in late summer that he will run for re-election in March 2018. Regional elections in September will provide indications of strategies for boosting turnout in the presidential contest. Electoral activity amid ongoing economic problems creates scope for popular protest, which the authorities can contain, and for competition in governing circles that will become more visible in Putin's next term. Hopes that US and EU sanctions may ease or end have all but disappeared.


Significance Putin's visits were conducted as inspections and he has handed many incumbent governors lists of residents' complaints. The regional elections will shed light on two trends likely to shape Putin's next presidential term: a preference for technocrats over professional politicians and the growing irrelevance of the United Russia party to the Kremlin's management of regional leaders. Impacts Putin's tone, variously supportive and reproachful, hints at which governors he favours; in the main, the interim appointees should win. Governors in other regions may be dismissed and replaced with interim heads ahead of next year's annual round of elections. The higher the recorded turnout in regional elections, the higher the vote share awarded to United Russia candidates is likely to be.


Subject Different lessons from regional elections in Russia. Significance Two different trends emerged from the September 10 local elections. All the regional governors approved by President Vladimir Putin, most of them recent interim appointees, were elected without serious competition. At a lower level, the opposition Yabloko and United Democrats scored surprisingly well in municipal elections in Moscow. Impacts Opposition leader Alexey Navalny may have lost ground by distancing himself from the Moscow elections only to see opposition wins. The mayor of Moscow showed a subtle approach to the 2018 mayoral election by welcoming the city's new political diversity. Confirmation of Putin's choice of governor in Sevastopol is unlikely to end power struggles among local political factions.


Significance Regional elections held on September 9 brought the United Russia party its worst results in a decade. President Vladimir Putin has already embarked on his annual cull of governors, whose interim successors can normally expect trouble-free election the following September. Impacts New interim St Petersburg Mayor Alexander Beglov may not run in 2019, requiring careful candidate selection in Russia's second city. United Russia will struggle to rebuild its image after losing control of three regional assemblies on top of four governor-level disasters. As opposition parties are virtually out of the picture, the Communists and Liberal Democrats will partly fill that space.


Subject Regional elections in Italy. Significance The January 26 elections in Emilia Romagna will not only be significant for the future of regional governance, but also the survival of Italy’s fragile coalition of the Five Star Movement (M5S) and the Democratic Party (PD). Poor results for both would increase the chances of snap elections in 2020, which Matteo Salvini’s League Party would likely win. Impacts Should the M5S suffer losses, pressure will grow on leader Luigi di Maio to resign, while further defections will be a strong possibility. Other divisive issues, including judicial and electoral reform, and the future of Alitalia could help trigger the coalition’s collapse. Positive results for the coalition parties would likely give Rome the stability significantly to reform Salvini’s hostile immigration laws.


Author(s):  
Benjamin D. Gordon

This chapter provides an overview of archaeological discoveries relevant to ancient Judean life in the postexilic or Second Temple period (late sixth century bce–70 ce). It seeks to provide background information on the main cultural developments that would have impacted the authors and audience of the Writings, both in Judea and Samaria. One such development is Persian provincialization, which had only modest impact on the local economy and culture. Another consists of processes of acculturation to foreign customs in the Hellenistic period, which would remain slow and largely limited to elite circles. Jerusalem’s rise to international status as a Jewish pilgrimage center under Herodian auspices likely impacted the dissemination of local literatures and sacred texts, the Writings among them. Contemporaneous architecture and artifacts from the domestic sphere can speak to religious diversity and local identity politics as the region began to shift its orientation to the West and the economy grew.


2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (12) ◽  
pp. 1178-1193
Author(s):  
Tony Burns

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between Amartya Sen’s notion of adaptation and his views on identity politics by focussing on the issue of slavery and, more specifically, on the example of the happy or contented slave. Design/methodology/approach The paper is text based. The methodological approach adopted is that of conceptual analysis, as is typical for work of this kind. Findings The paper concludes that the example of the happy or contented slave is indeed a fruitful one for those interested in exploring the relationship between Sen’s views on “the adaptation problem” and his views on identity politics, especially in relation to the subjection of women. Here Sen’s debt to the ideas of Mary Wollstonecraft and John Stuart Mill is particularly important. Research limitations/implications One implication of the argument of the paper is that there is a need to consider more carefully the differences that exist between the views of Wollstonecraft and Mill, so far as the example of the happy or contented slave is concerned. Practical implications One practical implication of the paper is that, hopefully, it establishes the continued relevance of the ideas of thinkers such as Wollstonecraft and Mill today, not least because of the influence that they have had on theoreticians such as Amartya Sen. Social implications The paper addresses issues which are of considerable social and political significance, especially for women in underdeveloped societies today. Originality/value The example of the happy or contented slave has not received much discussion in the literature on Sen, although Sen himself has suggested that the distinction between happiness and contentment is an important one, which does merit further discussion.


Author(s):  
Pavel Maškarinec

The presented paper deals with the regionalization of the electoral support of the Czech Pirate Party (Pirates) in regional elections using methods and techniques of spatial data analysis. The aim is to answer the question whether the territorial distribution of Pirate electoral support allows this party to participate in governance at the regional level and thus influence the form of regional policy in individual regions. The results of the analysis show that the spatial distribution of Pirates’ electoral support in regional elections differed quite significantly not only from the pattern found in the elections to the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Parliament and elections to the European Parliament, but also between individual regional elections. This suggests the current lack of anchorage of Pirates’ electoral support in regional politics, but at the same time, it may have its origins in the second-order character of regional elections and the candidacy of many local and regional entities in regional elections. On the other hand, the results of the regional elections in 2020 meant that the Pirates received seats in all regional councils, but especially in nine of the thirteen regions they joined the regional government (similarly to two years earlier when they joined government of capital city of Prague), gaining the opportunity to influence, with regard to its priorities, the form of regional governance in most Czech regions.


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