On denationalization as neoliberalization: Biopolitics, class interest, and the incompleteness of citizenship

Author(s):  
Matthew Sparke
Keyword(s):  
2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 176-192
Author(s):  
Aditya Mukherjee

This paper studies how the Indian business class, which from being among the most advanced in the world, was crushed in the colonial period and how in the colonial period itself, it made major attempts to fight back and re-establish itself. This it did by aligning with the Indian national movement and evolving a critique of imperialism. It also discusses how the business class positioned itself politically and ideologically in such a manner during the national movement and in the early years after independence that its influence over Indian society as a whole remained considerable despite a major offensive from the Left. This involved a complex enmeshing of societal interest with their long-term class interest. However, soon after the initial years of independence, the business class increasingly failed, except on a few occasions, to demonstrate a long-term view of society which would also be in their long-term interest.1


1972 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 634-637 ◽  
Author(s):  
John D. Chick

In his recent article on ‘The Uganda Coup – class action by the military’ in this Journal, x, 1, May 1972, Dr Michael F. Lofchie points to two apparent paradoxes in the military takeover: Why did the army move against a regime to which it had previously been loyal? And why, in doing so, did it ally itself with the Ganda ‘civil service and coffee growing elite’ towards which it had shown nothing but hostility in the past? The only adequate explanation, we are told, is that these privileged groups were drawn together by a determination to defend their status against the threat implicit in President Obote's commitment to socialism. Confronted by egalitarian pressures they discovered a basis for common action in a class interest which transcended tribal rivalries.


Ethics ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 80 (4) ◽  
pp. 279-295
Author(s):  
Arthur Child
Keyword(s):  

1984 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pedro Ramet

Communism traces deviance, disaffection, and dissent alike to alienation and presocialist forms of consciousness. Insofar as the building of communism brings about an end to exploitation and alienation, deviance, disaffection, and dissent should disappear with them. The persistence of disaffection and articulate dissent, or of crime, delinquency, and social deviance generally, represents a failure of socialization—a failure, thus, of the system. Communist regimes are anxious, therefore, to deny the existence of crime, to expel dissenters, and to curb social deviance. Dissent and deviance are troubling in yet another respect. Insofar as Marxism aspires to eliminate social conflict and traces it to differences in social or class interest, dissent and deviance may be taken to reflect the persistence of differences in perceived interest, whether “objectively” rooted in class differences or not.


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 158-201 ◽  
Author(s):  
Валентина Павловна Корзун ◽  
Герман Пантелеймонович Мягков

This article traces the turn in Russian historical scholarship from the “encounter” that occurred in the 1970s between historiography, the philosophy of science [naukovedenie] and class interest as an explanation for the appearance of scholarly communities of various types, to the creation of and transition to a new model of scholarship in the early twenty-first century oriented on the study of scholarly communities understood from an anthropological perspective. Analysis of various methods of studying schools of historiography in pre-revolutionary Russia enables the authors to identify the heuristic potential of a post-modern concept of a scientific or scholarly “school,” and to identify questions awaiting future research.


1983 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 341-346
Author(s):  
D Walker

Arguments about the representativeness of local councillors in Britain often make assumptions about their disinterestedness. An introductory survey of the occupations of Labour Party councillors in London shows a high proportion of them may be ‘interested’ by dint of their public service affiliations. The concentration of public service interests among councillors poses problems for financial control in local government as well as for theories of representation.


2002 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-41
Author(s):  
Robert Marsh

AbstractAre social classes perceived as a meaningful source of identity in Taiwan? I explore this issue with data from a 1992 survey (N = 2,377) of the population of Taiwan. Respondents were asked, "If people in our society are divided into upper, upper middle, middle, lower middle, working and lower classes, which class do you think you belong to?" Ninety-eight per cent placed themselves in one or the other of these six classes. The modal responses were "middle class" (41%) and "working class" (29%). Two tests are made of whether these responses are meaningful and consequential. First, I show that subjective class identification is rooted in respondent's position in the objective stratification system, i.e., the higher one's education, occupation, power and income, the higher the social class with which one identifies. The second test is the extent to which, controlling for one's objective position in the stratification system, subjective class identification has significant net effects on attitudes toward class issues (e.g, whether big enterprises have too much economic and political power). Class interest theory predicts that Taiwanese who identify with the "middle" or higher classes have a more conservative ideology concerning class conflict, while those who think of themselves as "working class" or lower are more likely to believe there is class conflict, to favor collective action by employees against their employer, and to think big enterprises have too much power. Multiple regression analysis provides at best weak support for class interest theory. Subjective class identification has a significant net effect on attitudes toward only two of eight class issues. While the Taiwan respondents are not generally conservative on these class issues, class identification appears to have little to do with whether one is conservative or nonconservative. A serendipitous finding concerns education, which more than any other variable had significant net effects on attitudes toward class issues. It is Taiwan's most educated who are the least conservative on class issues. This finding has parallels with what some observers of Europe and the United States have called the New Class. The paper concludes with a discussion of the reasons why class identification is only weakly consequential for class-relevant beliefs in Taiwan.


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