Democracy, Solidarity and Post-Nationalism

2008 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 604-628 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeff Spinner-Halev

Nearly all democratizing states are also nationalizing, but this connection has not been adequately explained. A few scholars argue that nationality supplies democracy with a pre-political identity, while others maintain that nationality is often developed and manipulated by elites. I argue that national identity is a political identity, sustained by political institutions for political purposes, though this identity may contain some ethnic or abstract principles within it. The solidarity that national identity creates is most needed by democracies when they first emerge. Democratizing states need to build up institutions and create a culture of sacrifice, which they can do by creating a sense of solidarity among citizens. This solidarity is not only in the interests of the elites, but also benefits those in the dominant national group. The solidarity created by national identity is crucial to institution building, but it is also a source of inequality, since those not seen as members will often face discrimination or worse. The unfortunate side of nationalism has led some theorists to argue that liberal democracies need to move toward post-nationalism if they are to reach the promise of equality and individual rights for all. Doing so, however, means separating identity from the state. I doubt this is possible; and I argue that post-nationalism means forgetting about national memories. Yet to honor rightly the past victims of nationalism we must engage in acts of remembrance. We cannot both bear the legacy of the past and easily move toward post-nationalism. I work through these issues partly by way of Habermas who tries, unsuccessfully in my view, to reconcile post-nationalism with the retention of national memory.

2009 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Goujon

The memory of WWII always played an important role in Belarus, which was characterized as a “Partisan Republic” during the Soviet time. Soviet historiography and memorial narrative emphasized the heroics of the resistance to fascism and allowed only a description of the crimes of the Nazis. New ways of looking at war events appeared during the perestroika and after the independence of the country. But after Alexander Lukashenko came to power as president in 1994, a neo-Soviet version of the past was adopted and spread. The Great Patriotic War (GPW) has become an increasingly publicized event in the official memorial narrative as the culminating moment in Belarusian history. Since the mid-2000s, this narrative tends to be nationalized in order to testify that the Belarusian people’s suffering and resistance behavior were among the highest ones during WWII. Political and academic dissenting voices to the Belarusian authoritarian regime try to downplay this official narrative by pointing out that the Belarusians were also victims of the Stalinist repression, and their attitude towards the Nazi occupation was more than ambivalent. Behind the memorial discourses, two competitive versions of Belarusian national identity can be distinguished. According to the official version, Belarusian identity is based on the East-Slavic identity that incorporates the Soviet history in its contemporary development. According to the opposition, it is based on a national memory that discards the Soviet past as a positive one.


2001 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 411-440 ◽  
Author(s):  
AMY L. FREEDMAN

This work looks at how Malaysia's political institutions and policies have constrained Chinese acculturation with the dominant Malay population. Particular attention is paid to the nature of electoral institutions; such as the ethnic party structure, the apportionment of electoral districts, and the debate over Malaysia's education system. These political institutions, and not just the coercive apparatus of the state, coupled with the way the Constitution defines a person as ‘Malay’, effectively maintain a distinct boundary between who is Malay and who is Chinese or Indian. Ethnic categorization in Malaysia has, in the past, masked equally wide divisions between classes. More recent efforts at creating a ‘Malaysian’ national identity may clash with a political structure still largely organized by ethnicity, and may bring these other fissures to the forefront.


This volume explores the commemoration of the Battle of Trafalgar and Admiral Lord Nelson's death over the past two centuries. It includes the celebrations of 2005, which saw hundreds of official, commercial, and popular events celebrating and commemorating the bicentenary of Trafalgar and the death of Nelson. Leading historians of Britain and France reflect critically on complex notions of remembrance, celebration, honouring, and commemoration. Taking historical snapshots of the commemoration of Nelson at his death, a century later in 1905, and in contemporary Britain, the contributors ask: who drives the commemoration of historical anniversaries and to what ends? Which Nelson, or Nelsons, have had a role in national memory over the past two centuries? And who identifies with Nelson today? Focusing on Britain, but looking also at imperial and French contexts, the papers consider how memoirs, history writing, visual and modern media and museums, and official and unofficial interests, contribute to keeping and shaping memory. As the changing manner of memorializing key moments in national history allows historians to study cultural meanings and interpretations of national identity, the contributors to this volume exhort the wider profession to engage critically with ‘public history’. This work is about the history of memory and commemoration and will be of interest those with general interests in naval, maritime, cultural and public history.


2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-81
Author(s):  
Ahmed Al Khamlichi

The term ‘Amir al-Mou'mineen’ (Commander of the Faithful) and ‘caliph’ were first bestowed on Omar Bin al-Khattab who became the successor of the Prophet (Peace be upon him) two-and-a-half years after he passed away. By virtue of the political and religious connotations of the term, the title conveyed overarching political authority – a kind of absolute power. The notion of Commander of the Faithful facilitated oppression of those who held different views, directly or indirectly, through employing fatawa, that is religious interpretations and edicts, in addition to mobilizing religious followers and devotees. This excess of political power is based on the definition of Imarat al-Mu'mineen (Commandment of the Faithful) or the Caliphate common in religious jurisprudence. This definition was coined by Ibn Khaldoun, and may be translated as: ‘making people abide by the view of Shar (the Law of God in Islam) regarding their temporal and afterlife interests’. Morocco has been no different from the rest of the Islamic world over the centuries, and now two distinct phenomena are apparent. First, the emergence of different groups, each with its own ideology and claims to be defending religion and pursuing its implementation. Such groups consider all other ways of thinking as apostasy that must be eliminated; while juxtaposed to them, there exist intellectual currents calling for the continued separation of religion and the state and its laws. During the past two decades this phenomenon has led to tragic situations in a considerable number of Islamic states, whose prospects now seem very gloomy. Second, a tight regulation of state institutions, together with constitutional guarantees of individual rights and freedoms, can prevent the manipulation of the state in the name of religion, and its use for tyranny and the oppression of individuals and minorities, be it in the name of Commandment of the Faithful or any other term. It seems that Morocco is aware of the power of these two phenomena, especially after it faced social unrest in 1992 and 2001, which almost destroyed its stability.


Author(s):  
Boris Rozovsky

Discussion of the draft of the new criminal code of Ukraine revealed conceptual shortcomings in it. Some of them are the legacy of the past. Others, however, are born of blind imitation of Western models. In defining the basic concepts of the criminal code, it is necessary to take into account changes in the balance of public and private principles, the interests of the individual and the state. Ukraine should adopt a criminal code that fully takes into account its national identity and current needs for protection from the most serious criminal threats.


Author(s):  
Francisco Erice Sebares

This article examines the relevance of the concept of national memory and its limits, defending the convenience of using an idea of collective memory which includes nations, these understood as specific communities of memory. It also analyses some key mechanisms in the diffusion by the States of a narrative on the past that is linked to the construction of national identity and legitimation of politics in the present. This diffusion is regarded as in a usually conflictive interaction with memories of groups or smaller collectives, as well as with other national communities.Key WordsCollective memory, communities of memory, national memory, teaching of history, commemorations, national identityResumenEste artículo se interroga sobre la pertinencia del concepto de memoria nacional y los límites de su aplicación, y defiende la utilidad de una noción de memoria colectiva extensible a las naciones entendidas como especificas comunidades de memoria. También analiza a algunos mecanismos claves en la difusión, desde los Estados, de un relato sobre el pasado ligado a la construcción de la identidad nacional y la legitimación de las políticas del presente. La difusión de la memoria nacional se entiende en interacción, generalmente conflictiva, con las memorias de grupos y entidades menores, o con las de otras comunidades nacionales.Palabras claveMemoria colectiva, comunidades de memoria, memoria nacional, enseñanza de la historia, conmemoraciones, identidad nacional. 


1998 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Pajakowski

The most important historical works of today are those that take the past of a single nation and state as their subject, for the nation and the state are the highest natural, independently developing organism that humanity has yet achieved.Like most nineteenth-century historians, Michal Bobrzyński directed his research to the study of his nation's past and especially to the development of political institutions. History, for him, served to enhance a sense of nationhood among his readers by deriving lessons from the experience of the national community and providing a basis for present political activity. As a politically engaged historian, Bobrzyński faced serious issues of the need to reorient Polish national identity and to refashion the historical imagination to meet the needs of his people in the face of the political situation in the last three decades of the nineteenth century.


1969 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosalind MacDonald

Classical archaeology in the service of the state and national identity is not a new concept, although it is one that is seen less, or at least less blatantly, in modern Europe. This particular use of the classical past is still very much in use in the region of Macedonia, both the Greek province and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Nationalism uses archaeology and the imagery of the ancient world to claim legitimacy in the modern world. By claiming the ancient past and projecting it into the present, nations can create a strong national identity. By tying the present day inhabitants of an area to a strong cultural past, the nation itself becomes more legitimate. Problems arise when two nations seek to claim the same past as in the case in the Greek province of Macedonia and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. This competition and issues surrounding the claim of ownership of a particular national past can be seen through the examples of the tumulus at Vergina and the differing traditions of the symposion in Macedonia and Athens. The projection of the past into the present can be seen in the (former) Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia flag, in three pamphlets on the “Macedonian Question” from Greece, and in the recent rebuilding of Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’s capital, Skopje.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (5 (103)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Evgeny Osipov

The article examines the evolution of French legislation on the issue of preserving religious and national identity and countering the spread of radical Islam in the past few decades. Particular attention is paid to the 2004 law banning religious symbols in schools and the work of the commissions of B. Stazi and J.-P. Obin, acting in 2003—2005. It was then, in the middle of the first decade of the 21st century, that the members of the two state commissions attempted a comprehensive approach to solving the Islamic question in France, but the state authorities limited themselves to a simple ban on religious symbols in schools, and in subsequent years there were no major changes in the state approach to solving the problem, which has become one of the main reasons for the sharp deterioration of the situation in the past few years. E. Macron, who initially distanced from the issues of identity, has already done a lot to change the situation. It was on the initiative of Macron that a law on the strengthening of republican values has been developed today and will soon be adopted, which, finally, presents a comprehensive approach to solving the problem of religious radicalism in the Fifth Republic.


2019 ◽  
pp. 71-119
Author(s):  
Massimiliano Tomba

The third chapter discusses the Paris Commune and the way it prompts us to think about politics beyond a horizon that often assumes to be immutable representative democracy and the principle of private property. It analyzes the Declarations by members of the Commune that claimed the need to “universalize politics and property” via the new institutions of the Universal Republic. In the Commune, the rupture in the state machinery came about not with the seizure of power but through new political institutions that reclaimed other traditions of politics, channeling them into a new trajectory of modernity. The Communards were changing their present order by recombining alternative temporalities and traditions of modernity. Far from being a legal-political model to be realized, the Commune was a political practice that sought to define a new institutional fabric and a new subjectivity. This chapter shows how the Commune reconfigured the entire system of political and legal relations by reactivating intermediate authorities and integrating individual rights with those of groups and associations.


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