Over the Top: Dutch Right-Wing Extremist Parties in the Elections of 1994

Politics ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 127-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
C.E. Mudde ◽  
J.J.M. van Holsteyn
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Alternative Explanation ◽  
Second Order ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
The Media ◽  
Negative Publicity ◽  
The Right ◽  
Over The Top

In 1994 three elections were held in the Netherlands. For a time it seemed that the right-wing extremist parties were destined to break out of their marginal position. However, after these three elections, in terms of electoral support they ended up where they had started. The variation in electoral support for these parties can only in part be attributed to developments within the parties and the (negative) publicity these developments incited in the media. An alternative explanation based upon protest voting and the theory of first and second-order elections appears more promising.

scholarly journals The Strategic Bias: How Journalists Respond to Antimedia Populism

2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110226
Author(s):  
Ayala Panievsky
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Press Freedom ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Best Response ◽  
Semistructured Interviews ◽  
The Media ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
Strategic Bias ◽  
Use Of Social Media ◽  
The Right

As populist campaigns against the media become increasingly common around the world, it is ever more urgent to explore how journalists adopt and respond to them. Which strategies have journalists developed to maintain the public's trust, and what may be the implications for democracy? These questions are addressed using a thematic analysis of forty-five semistructured interviews with leading Israeli journalists who have been publicly targeted by Israel's Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu. The article suggests that while most interviewees asserted that adherence to objective reporting was the best response to antimedia populism, many of them have in fact applied a “strategic bias” to their reporting, intentionally leaning to the Right in an attempt to refute the accusations of media bias to the Left. This strategy was shaped by interviewees' perceived helplessness versus Israel's Prime Minister and his extensive use of social media, a phenomenon called here “the influence of presumed media impotence.” Finally, this article points at the potential ramifications of strategic bias for journalism and democracy. Drawing on Hallin's Spheres theory, it claims that the strategic bias might advance Right-wing populism at present, while also narrowing the sphere of legitimate controversy—thus further restricting press freedom—in the future.

scholarly journals IDEOLOGI RADIKALISME DALAM ISLAM TENTANG WACANA HOMOSEKSUAL DI MEDIA MASSA

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 193
Author(s):  
Fita Fathurokhmah
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Human Being ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Individual Freedom ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Same Sex ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
The Right ◽  
Ideological Difference

This article wants to examine how the media ideology about the concept of radicalism in Islam in the mass media of Republika and Koran Tempo. The Republika newspaper supports and agrees to the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) both with an understanding of the prohibition of homosexuality and the appointment of news of FPI's violence against homosexuals. The Tempo newspaper is more about renewing ideas such as reporting on the views of the Liberal Islam Network (JIL) in respect of homosexuals. Homosexuality is the same sex lover or the choice of sexuality abnormalities is normal as a human being, it does not need to be criticized but must be respected as individual freedom. There is a fundamental ideological difference between Republika and Koran Tempo by renewing the concept of homosexuality with thinking radicalism on the basis of Islamic teachings. The homosexual issue, FPI applies the meaning of Islamic radicalism from the right-wing side which promotes violence as resistance, while JIL applies the meaning of radicalism from the left-wing side which prioritizes the radicalism of thought and law in the Koran.  AbstrakArtikel ini ingin mengkaji bagaimana ideologi media tentang konsep radikalisme dalam Islam di media massa Republika dan Koran Tempo. Surat kabar Republika mendukung dan setuju pada Front Pembela Islam (FPI) baik dengan pemahaman pelarangan homoseksual dan pengangkatan berita tindak kekerasan FPI melawan homoseksual. Koran Tempo lebih pada pembaharuan pemikiran seperti pemberitaan pandangan Jaringan Islam Liberal (JIL) terkait menghormatinya kaum homoseksual. Homoseksual adalah penyuka sesama jenis atau pilihan kelainan seksualitas itu normal sebagai manusia, tidak perlu dicela tapi harus dihargai sebagai kebebasan individu. Terdapat perbedaan ideologi yang mendasar antara Republika dan Koran Tempo dengan melakukan pembaharuan konsep homoseksual dengan radikalisme berpikir dengan pijakan ajaran Islam. Persoalan homoseksual, FPI menerapkan makna radikalisme Islam dari sisi sayap kanan yang mengedepankan kekerasan sebagai perlawanan, sedangkan JIL menerapkan makna radikalisme dari sisi sayap kiri yang mengutamakan keradikalan pemikiran dan hukum dalam al-Quran.

Leaving

Jimmy Reid ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 159-192
Author(s):  
W.W.J. Knox ◽  
A. McKinlay
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
The Political ◽  
Full Time ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The Road ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Power Base ◽  
Revolutionary Party ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Right

The chapter explores his vain attempts to be elected as a full-time national official of the AEU defeated by the right-wing of the union’s leadership. It also exposes the organisational deficiencies of Reid; a man capable of motivating and inspiring workers but unable to build a mass power base within the political or industrial arenas. It also discusses critically Reid’s narrative concerning the road to leaving the CPGB as well as the reception to his decision both within the media and among the party membership. We contend that international events such as the Prague invasion were secondary influences, rather we argue it was events nearer to home that were more influential. Thus, we discuss how the rejection of the concept of the revolutionary party by the CPGB in favour of broad-based parliamentary alliances narrowed the ideological chasm between communists and the Labour left. Indeed, the only issue dividing them was the continued support by the former for the Soviet Union; something that Reid had begun to reject. The other factor was his dissatisfaction with party democracy. Reid left in 1976 and joined the Labour Party two years later. Fast tracked by the left he stood as Labour candidate in 1979 in Dundee where he suffered the same fate as in 1974.

Digital Resources: Chile’s Centro de Investigación y Documentación (CIDOC) and Anti-Communism in the 1964 Elections

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Botto Stuven
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Contemporary History ◽  
Christian Democracy ◽  
Salvador Allende ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Media ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right

The Documentation Center of the Contemporary History of Chile (CIDOC), which belongs to the Universidad Finis Terrae (Santiago), has a digital archive that contains the posters and newspapers inserts of the anti-communist campaign against Salvador Allende’s presidential candidacy in 1964. These appeared in the main right-wing newspapers of Santiago, between January and September of 1964. Although the collection of posters in CIDOC is not complete, it is a resource of great value for those who want to research this historical juncture, considering that those elections were by far the most contested and conflicting in the history of Chile during the 20th Century, as it implicted the confrontation between two candidates defending two different conceptions about society, politics, and economics. On the one hand, Salvador Allende, the candidate of the Chilean left; on the other, Eduardo Frei, the candidate of the Christian Democracy, coupled with the traditional parties of the Right. While the technical elements of the programs of both candidates did not differ much from each other, the political campaign became the scenario for an authentic war between the “media” that stood up for one or the other candidate. Frei’s anticommunist campaign had the financial aid of the United States, and these funds were used to gather all possible resources to create a real “terror” in the population at the perspective of the Left coming to power. The Chilean Left labeled this strategy of using fear as the “Terror Campaign.”

scholarly journals Results of the Parliamentary Elections in Netherland and their Impact on Russian-Netherlands Relations

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-29
Author(s):  
Boris Guseletov
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in the Netherlands, held on March 15-17, 2021. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the elections of 2017 and 2021, and describes all the leading Dutch political parties that were represented in parliament in the period from 2017 to 2021. The results of the activities of the government headed by the leader of the “People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy” M. Rutte, formed following the results of the 2017 elections, are presented. The reasons for the resignation of this government, which took place on the eve of the elections, and its impact on the course of the election campaign are revealed. It was noted how the coronavirus pandemic and the government’s actions to overcome its consequences affected the course and results of the election campaign. The activity of the main opposition parties in this country is evaluated: the right-wing Eurosceptic Freedom Party of Wilders, the center-left Labor Party and others. The course of the election campaign and its main topics, as well as the new political parties that were elected to the parliament as a result of these elections, are considered. The positions of the country’s leading political parties on their possible participation in the new government coalition are shown. The state of Russian-Dutch relations is analyzed. A forecast is given of how the election results will affect the formation of the new government of this country and the political, trade and economic relations between Russia and the Netherlands.

scholarly journals The Populist Radical Right and the Media in the Benelux: Friend or Foe?

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-209 ◽  
Author(s):  
Léonie de Jonge
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Exact Nature ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Populist Radical Right ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Instrumental Role

Although most scholars acknowledge that the media play an instrumental role in furthering or limiting the spread of populism, the exact nature of the relationship between right-wing populist parties (RWPPs) and the media remains poorly understood. This article analyzes the various ways in which the media choose to deal with RWPPs in the Benelux region (i.e., Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg). Using evidence from interviews with media practitioners ( n = 46), the findings suggest that in the absence of a credible right-wing populist challenger, media practitioners in Luxembourg and Wallonia adhere to strict demarcation, whereas the Dutch and Flemish media have become gradually more accommodative to RWPPs. This study makes two contributions to the field. First, it systematically theorizes the different ways in which the media can approach the populist radical right. Second, it provides illustrative, comparative evidence about the rationale for why some media provide space for RWPPs while others deny it, thereby illuminating the under-researched topic of societal responses to the populist radical right.

How Globo media manipulated the impeachment of Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Teun A van Dijk
Keyword(s):  
Crucial Role ◽  
Economic Recession ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
News Reports ◽  
News Program ◽  
Tv News ◽  
Sociopolitical Context ◽  
The Media ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Right

The impeachment of Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff in 2016 was the result of a coup of the economically dominant conservative oligarchy against the leftist Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT, the Worker’s Party), in power since 2003. The right wing Brazilian media played a crucial role in this coup by manipulating public opinion as well as the politicians who voted against Dilma. In particular, the media of the powerful Globo Corporation, such as O Globo newspaper, and especially Globo’s Jornal Nacional, the pervasive TV news program, systematically demonized and delegitimized Dilma, as well as ex-President Lula and the PT, in their news reports and editorials by selectively associating them with pervasive corruption and attributing the serious economic recession to them. After a summary of this sociopolitical context, and a brief theoretical definition of manipulation, this article examines some of the manipulative strategies of O Globo’s editorials during March and April 2016.

The Center Wages Kulturpolitik: Conflict in the Marx-Keudell Cabinet of 1927

1969 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ellen L. Evans
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Center Party ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Right

In descriptions of the political structure of the Weimar Republic, the German Center Party is usually grouped as a party of the “middle,” together with the German Democratic Party and German People's Party, between the left-wing Social Democrats and the right-wing German Nationalists. In the years after 1928, the Center showed an increasing disinclination to work in coalition with the Social Democratic Party and finally, under the leadership of Dr. Ludwig Kaas, the last chairman of the Center Party, broke completely with the Socialists. During the same years Heinrich Brüning, Chancellor of Germany from 1930 to 1932, made persistent, though futile, attempts to find an acceptable coalition partner for the Center on the Right, hoping, among other possibilities, to encourage a secession movement from the Nationalist Party in 1930. Because of the rapid dwindling of electoral support for the other parties of the middle, very little attention has been paid to the Center's relationship with them. It is the purpose of this article to show that the mutual antipathies between these parties and the Center were as great or greater than its antipathy toward Social Democracy on certain matters which were vital to the Center's existence. By 1928, in fact, coalition with the parties of the middle had become as unsatisfactory to the leaders of the Center as coalition with the party of the Left. The turning-point in this development was the breakup of the Marx-Keudell right-wing cabinet of 1927. The failure of that government to attain the party's goals in the realm of Kulturpolitik, i.e., religion and education, confirmed the Center's disillusionment with the workings of the parliamentary system itself.

The Role Of Nanjing University In The Nanjing Incident

1981 ◽  
Vol 86 ◽  
pp. 332-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Genny Louie ◽  
Kam Louie
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Science And Technology ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Concerted Effort ◽  
Special Significance ◽  
Official Policy ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Right ◽  
Moderating Role

The death of Zhou Enlai a few months earlier gave the Qing Ming Festival in 1976 a special significance. The festival marks the traditional time to mourn the dead, and Zhou had been widely revered. It was generally felt that he had played a moderating role in the leadership, particularly in the turbulent period of the Cultural Revolution. His death created a political vacuum and the position of premier was left vacant. Conflict in the upper echelons of the Party had increased after the Fourth National Peoples’ Congress in January 1975 adopted as official policy Zhou Enlai's call for a concerted effort to modernize China's industry, agriculture, defence, science and technology. Opposition from those who believed that stressing economic goals would undermine political ones began to be reflected in the media as 1975 progressed. By the end of the year an attack had been launched on “the Right–wing deviationist wind.” Fears were aroused that if the left gained power, China might again face a period of chaos and disruption.

scholarly journals Horseshoe Patterns: Visualizing Partisan Media Trust in Germany

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 237802312110287
Author(s):  
Bernhard Clemm von Hohenberg ◽  
Paul C. Bauer
Keyword(s):  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Underlying Distribution ◽  
Mainstream Media ◽  
News Sources ◽  
The Media ◽  
Media Trust ◽  
Informed Citizenry ◽  
Alternative Sources ◽  
The Right

A trusted media is crucial for a politically informed citizenry, yet media trust has become fragile in many Western countries. An underexplored aspect is the link between media (dis)trust and populism. The authors visualize media trust across news outlets and partisanship in Germany, for both mainstream and “alternative” news sources. For each source, average trust is grouped by partisanship and sorted from left to right, allowing within-source comparisons. The authors find an intriguing horseshoe pattern for mainstream media sources, for which voters of both populist left-wing and right-wing parties express lower levels of trust. The underlying distribution of individual responses reveals that voters of the right-wing populist party are especially likely to “not at all” trust the mainstream outlets that otherwise enjoy high levels of trust. The media trust gap between populist and centrist voters disappears for alternative sources, for which trust is generally low.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document