How Globo media manipulated the impeachment of Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Teun A van Dijk
Keyword(s):  
Crucial Role ◽  
Economic Recession ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
News Reports ◽  
News Program ◽  
Tv News ◽  
Sociopolitical Context ◽  
The Media ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Right

The impeachment of Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff in 2016 was the result of a coup of the economically dominant conservative oligarchy against the leftist Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT, the Worker’s Party), in power since 2003. The right wing Brazilian media played a crucial role in this coup by manipulating public opinion as well as the politicians who voted against Dilma. In particular, the media of the powerful Globo Corporation, such as O Globo newspaper, and especially Globo’s Jornal Nacional, the pervasive TV news program, systematically demonized and delegitimized Dilma, as well as ex-President Lula and the PT, in their news reports and editorials by selectively associating them with pervasive corruption and attributing the serious economic recession to them. After a summary of this sociopolitical context, and a brief theoretical definition of manipulation, this article examines some of the manipulative strategies of O Globo’s editorials during March and April 2016.

scholarly journals The Strategic Bias: How Journalists Respond to Antimedia Populism

2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110226
Author(s):  
Ayala Panievsky
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Press Freedom ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Best Response ◽  
Semistructured Interviews ◽  
The Media ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
Strategic Bias ◽  
Use Of Social Media ◽  
The Right

As populist campaigns against the media become increasingly common around the world, it is ever more urgent to explore how journalists adopt and respond to them. Which strategies have journalists developed to maintain the public's trust, and what may be the implications for democracy? These questions are addressed using a thematic analysis of forty-five semistructured interviews with leading Israeli journalists who have been publicly targeted by Israel's Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu. The article suggests that while most interviewees asserted that adherence to objective reporting was the best response to antimedia populism, many of them have in fact applied a “strategic bias” to their reporting, intentionally leaning to the Right in an attempt to refute the accusations of media bias to the Left. This strategy was shaped by interviewees' perceived helplessness versus Israel's Prime Minister and his extensive use of social media, a phenomenon called here “the influence of presumed media impotence.” Finally, this article points at the potential ramifications of strategic bias for journalism and democracy. Drawing on Hallin's Spheres theory, it claims that the strategic bias might advance Right-wing populism at present, while also narrowing the sphere of legitimate controversy—thus further restricting press freedom—in the future.

scholarly journals IDEOLOGI RADIKALISME DALAM ISLAM TENTANG WACANA HOMOSEKSUAL DI MEDIA MASSA

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 193
Author(s):  
Fita Fathurokhmah
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Human Being ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Individual Freedom ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Same Sex ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
The Right ◽  
Ideological Difference

This article wants to examine how the media ideology about the concept of radicalism in Islam in the mass media of Republika and Koran Tempo. The Republika newspaper supports and agrees to the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) both with an understanding of the prohibition of homosexuality and the appointment of news of FPI's violence against homosexuals. The Tempo newspaper is more about renewing ideas such as reporting on the views of the Liberal Islam Network (JIL) in respect of homosexuals. Homosexuality is the same sex lover or the choice of sexuality abnormalities is normal as a human being, it does not need to be criticized but must be respected as individual freedom. There is a fundamental ideological difference between Republika and Koran Tempo by renewing the concept of homosexuality with thinking radicalism on the basis of Islamic teachings. The homosexual issue, FPI applies the meaning of Islamic radicalism from the right-wing side which promotes violence as resistance, while JIL applies the meaning of radicalism from the left-wing side which prioritizes the radicalism of thought and law in the Koran.  AbstrakArtikel ini ingin mengkaji bagaimana ideologi media tentang konsep radikalisme dalam Islam di media massa Republika dan Koran Tempo. Surat kabar Republika mendukung dan setuju pada Front Pembela Islam (FPI) baik dengan pemahaman pelarangan homoseksual dan pengangkatan berita tindak kekerasan FPI melawan homoseksual. Koran Tempo lebih pada pembaharuan pemikiran seperti pemberitaan pandangan Jaringan Islam Liberal (JIL) terkait menghormatinya kaum homoseksual. Homoseksual adalah penyuka sesama jenis atau pilihan kelainan seksualitas itu normal sebagai manusia, tidak perlu dicela tapi harus dihargai sebagai kebebasan individu. Terdapat perbedaan ideologi yang mendasar antara Republika dan Koran Tempo dengan melakukan pembaharuan konsep homoseksual dengan radikalisme berpikir dengan pijakan ajaran Islam. Persoalan homoseksual, FPI menerapkan makna radikalisme Islam dari sisi sayap kanan yang mengedepankan kekerasan sebagai perlawanan, sedangkan JIL menerapkan makna radikalisme dari sisi sayap kiri yang mengutamakan keradikalan pemikiran dan hukum dalam al-Quran.

Leaving

Jimmy Reid ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 159-192
Author(s):  
W.W.J. Knox ◽  
A. McKinlay
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
The Political ◽  
Full Time ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The Road ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Power Base ◽  
Revolutionary Party ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Right

The chapter explores his vain attempts to be elected as a full-time national official of the AEU defeated by the right-wing of the union’s leadership. It also exposes the organisational deficiencies of Reid; a man capable of motivating and inspiring workers but unable to build a mass power base within the political or industrial arenas. It also discusses critically Reid’s narrative concerning the road to leaving the CPGB as well as the reception to his decision both within the media and among the party membership. We contend that international events such as the Prague invasion were secondary influences, rather we argue it was events nearer to home that were more influential. Thus, we discuss how the rejection of the concept of the revolutionary party by the CPGB in favour of broad-based parliamentary alliances narrowed the ideological chasm between communists and the Labour left. Indeed, the only issue dividing them was the continued support by the former for the Soviet Union; something that Reid had begun to reject. The other factor was his dissatisfaction with party democracy. Reid left in 1976 and joined the Labour Party two years later. Fast tracked by the left he stood as Labour candidate in 1979 in Dundee where he suffered the same fate as in 1974.

Digital Resources: Chile’s Centro de Investigación y Documentación (CIDOC) and Anti-Communism in the 1964 Elections

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Botto Stuven
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Contemporary History ◽  
Christian Democracy ◽  
Salvador Allende ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Media ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right

The Documentation Center of the Contemporary History of Chile (CIDOC), which belongs to the Universidad Finis Terrae (Santiago), has a digital archive that contains the posters and newspapers inserts of the anti-communist campaign against Salvador Allende’s presidential candidacy in 1964. These appeared in the main right-wing newspapers of Santiago, between January and September of 1964. Although the collection of posters in CIDOC is not complete, it is a resource of great value for those who want to research this historical juncture, considering that those elections were by far the most contested and conflicting in the history of Chile during the 20th Century, as it implicted the confrontation between two candidates defending two different conceptions about society, politics, and economics. On the one hand, Salvador Allende, the candidate of the Chilean left; on the other, Eduardo Frei, the candidate of the Christian Democracy, coupled with the traditional parties of the Right. While the technical elements of the programs of both candidates did not differ much from each other, the political campaign became the scenario for an authentic war between the “media” that stood up for one or the other candidate. Frei’s anticommunist campaign had the financial aid of the United States, and these funds were used to gather all possible resources to create a real “terror” in the population at the perspective of the Left coming to power. The Chilean Left labeled this strategy of using fear as the “Terror Campaign.”

scholarly journals EUROJOS: Eine Darstellung des Potentials von kognitiver Definition anhand der Konzepte ARBEIT und DEMOKRATIE

2020 ◽  
pp. 123-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Magdalena Szulc-Brzozowska
Keyword(s):  
Crucial Role ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Research Papers ◽  
Research Project ◽  
Text Corpora ◽  
European Culture ◽  
The Media ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Methodological Aspects

The purpose of the paper is to present theoretical and methodological aspects of the research project EUROJOS, which is anchored and developed in Lublin ethnolinguistics. It aims to create the cognitive definition of the selected concepts, regarded as values in the European culture. The cognitive definition is based on 3 types of data: lexicographical sources, surveys and text corpora, with the latest playing a crucial role at profiling the concepts. The methodological criteria are indicated as validated by the description of chosen results from other research papers regarding the concept WORK in some languages and the concept DEMOCRACY in Polish and German. Whereas the study of the concept WORK objects to demonstrate the all-embracing definition of the concept, its universal meaning aspects, the example of DEMOCRACY shows the relevancy of profiling, thus also of the role of public discourse and the media.

Expansion from the Right

2019 ◽  
pp. 82-98
Author(s):  
Christoffer Green-Pedersen
Keyword(s):  
Crucial Role ◽  
Party System ◽  
Central Issue ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
General Increase ◽  
Pronounced Increase ◽  
Incentive Model ◽  
Strong Focus ◽  
The Right

This chapter provides an analysis of party system attention to immigration based on the issue incentive model. Two questions are central, namely the general increase in attention to immigration and the pronounced increase in Denmark. Based on the issue incentive model, the issue of immigration shows the importance of problem information. The increased share of foreigners has, combined with the growth of radical right-wing parties, generated more attention to the issue. In all countries, the issue has become an established issue on the party system agenda. The chapter furthermore shows the crucial role of large, mainstream parties’ coalition considerations in explaining how issues can make it to the top of the party system agenda. Only in Denmark has a strong focus on immigration been attractive from a coalition perspective. Denmark is thus the only country studied where immigration has become a central issue in the competition between the large, mainstream parties for office.

The Role Of Nanjing University In The Nanjing Incident

1981 ◽  
Vol 86 ◽  
pp. 332-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Genny Louie ◽  
Kam Louie
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Science And Technology ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Concerted Effort ◽  
Special Significance ◽  
Official Policy ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Right ◽  
Moderating Role

The death of Zhou Enlai a few months earlier gave the Qing Ming Festival in 1976 a special significance. The festival marks the traditional time to mourn the dead, and Zhou had been widely revered. It was generally felt that he had played a moderating role in the leadership, particularly in the turbulent period of the Cultural Revolution. His death created a political vacuum and the position of premier was left vacant. Conflict in the upper echelons of the Party had increased after the Fourth National Peoples’ Congress in January 1975 adopted as official policy Zhou Enlai's call for a concerted effort to modernize China's industry, agriculture, defence, science and technology. Opposition from those who believed that stressing economic goals would undermine political ones began to be reflected in the media as 1975 progressed. By the end of the year an attack had been launched on “the Right–wing deviationist wind.” Fears were aroused that if the left gained power, China might again face a period of chaos and disruption.

Over the Top: Dutch Right-Wing Extremist Parties in the Elections of 1994

Politics ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 127-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
C.E. Mudde ◽  
J.J.M. van Holsteyn
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Alternative Explanation ◽  
Second Order ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
The Media ◽  
Negative Publicity ◽  
The Right ◽  
Over The Top

In 1994 three elections were held in the Netherlands. For a time it seemed that the right-wing extremist parties were destined to break out of their marginal position. However, after these three elections, in terms of electoral support they ended up where they had started. The variation in electoral support for these parties can only in part be attributed to developments within the parties and the (negative) publicity these developments incited in the media. An alternative explanation based upon protest voting and the theory of first and second-order elections appears more promising.

scholarly journals Horseshoe Patterns: Visualizing Partisan Media Trust in Germany

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 237802312110287
Author(s):  
Bernhard Clemm von Hohenberg ◽  
Paul C. Bauer
Keyword(s):  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Underlying Distribution ◽  
Mainstream Media ◽  
News Sources ◽  
The Media ◽  
Media Trust ◽  
Informed Citizenry ◽  
Alternative Sources ◽  
The Right

A trusted media is crucial for a politically informed citizenry, yet media trust has become fragile in many Western countries. An underexplored aspect is the link between media (dis)trust and populism. The authors visualize media trust across news outlets and partisanship in Germany, for both mainstream and “alternative” news sources. For each source, average trust is grouped by partisanship and sorted from left to right, allowing within-source comparisons. The authors find an intriguing horseshoe pattern for mainstream media sources, for which voters of both populist left-wing and right-wing parties express lower levels of trust. The underlying distribution of individual responses reveals that voters of the right-wing populist party are especially likely to “not at all” trust the mainstream outlets that otherwise enjoy high levels of trust. The media trust gap between populist and centrist voters disappears for alternative sources, for which trust is generally low.

scholarly journals A review of the fake news ecosystem in India and the need for the News Literacy project

2019 ◽  
pp. 23-29
Author(s):  
Kanchan Kaur
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Corporate Ownership ◽  
Fake News ◽  
Standing Up ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
News Literacy ◽  
The Right

In India, in the last year alone, over 30 people have died due to child kidnapping rumors spread on social media, specifically WhatsApp. India’s access to the internet shot up in the recent years with the entry of Reliance Jio which made data plans affordable and therefore accessible. WhatsApp has been the most frequently downloaded application. As the country gears up for an important election, the spread of disinformation has accelerated. The right-wing ruling party has claimed that it has over 3 million people in its WhatsApp groups. A recent study by BBC has shown that in the country, most of the disinformation has been spread by the right wing. Call it propaganda, disinformation or plain fake news, false or wrong information has become a part of the political process in India. Moreover, the Indian media no longer seem to be standing up to the government; in the last few years, it has generally toed the government line. The reasons are many, including corporate ownership, regressive laws, and a complete bypass of the media by the powers. The Prime Minister has spoken only to a few selected media houses and has never been asked any tough questions in his five-year tenure. Furthermore, the media has been completely sidelined by this government by it going to the public, directly through social media. All of this has produced a very turgid and messy information situation. With the government also interfering in education, it has become all the more difficult for most educators to introduce critical thinking courses in the country, even though various efforts have been made by Google News Initiative, Facebook and BBC Schools to introduce tools to debunk false information.

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