Nation, State and the Modern Transformation of Korean Social Structure in the Early Twentieth Century

2007 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 330-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kyung Moon Hwang
Author(s):  
Mona Hassan

This chapter analyzes the vibrant discussions of the early twentieth century over how to revive a caliphate best suited to the post-war era. While some advocated preservation of a traditional caliphal figurehead, many Muslim intellectuals were greatly persuaded by new models of internationalism embracing the nation-state and proposed international caliphal councils and organizations, similar to the League of Nations, or other purportedly spiritual institutions, similar to the refashioned papacy, to preserve the bonds of a transregional religious community. To varying degrees, all the participants in the debate over reviving a twentieth-century caliphate were influenced by an intriguing confluence of both the historic transregionalism of the Muslim community as well as the modern thrust of the new age of global internationalism.


1977 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 661-674 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Keith Schoppa

Humiliated and shaken by the depredations of the imperialist nations, early twentieth-century Chinese leaders sought the establishment of a strong nation-state. Bitter struggles over the means to reach that goal—primarily over the distribution of political power—ended in the demise of the Ch'ing, the defeat of Yuan Shih-k'ai, and the turmoil of the “warlord” period. After Yuan's death in 1916, the dispute over distribution of power thrust into serious consideration the model of a federation for building a nation out of China's disparate regions and interests. Some felt that a federation was perhaps a more effective integrating form than the centralized bureaucratic model the late Ch'ing and Yuan Shih-k'ai had supported. The debate was not new in China. However, during the empire, proponents of centralization (chün-hsien) and decentralization (feng-chien) had been concerned with finding the form that would produce the greatest stability and administrative efficiency; now the Chinese were obsessed with the issue for life-and-death reasons. 2 Rapid national integration seemed imperative for China's survival. In 1901, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao had discussed the possibilities of a Chinese federation; 3 but, until 1916, federalism was effectively submerged by the centralizers. Amid increasing turmoil after Yuan's death, federalism seemed to provide an answer to chaotic instability.


2008 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 104-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leo K. Shin

Abstract Of the radical transformations that have been associated with modern China, one of the most significant, historians would agree, is the permeation of the convictions — often with the aid of concepts borrowed from Europe via Japan — that Chinese people are inherently a nation (min zu) and that China is, by extension, a nation-state (guo jia). But as many have noted, the process of adopting and internalizing such convictions was far from linear. Taking as its point of departure the contested nature of the nationalist discourse and drawing particular attention to the border province of Guangxi, this paper seeks not only to identify the logic and fundamental tensions inherent in the construction of the nation (especially from the perspective of a border region) but also to explain why such tensions have continued to plague present-day China.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Daniel Elam

This article attempts to rethink Indian anticolonial agitator Bhagat Singh within four alternative lineages, rooted in his often undiscussed love of early Hindi and American cinema. To date, Bhagat Singh has often been confined within the rubrics of a properly political form of revolution, whereby revolution is recognizable to the colonial state. To rethink revolution requires scholars to question the repetition of these colonial logics by moving away from the “recognizably political” to other forms of anti-authorial, anticolonial practices. This article focuses on Bhagat Singh’s viewing and response to the 1927 American iteration of Uncle Tom’s Cabin and the 1927 Hindi film Wildcat of Bombay. The article considers the ways in which Bhagat Singh moved beyond “properly political” forms of agitation in favor of affective, aesthetic, and experiential models of movie-going in the early twentieth century. By doing so, it reorganizes the categories of “world literature” away from the nation-state in favor of worldwide circulation, distribution, and interpretation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 185-196
Author(s):  
Swikrita Dowerah ◽  
Debarshi Prasad Nath

The Danish Girl presents the life history of a transgender person in early twentieth century Denmark and is remarkable for its use of visual codes to broach important questions on human subjectivity. The article probes deep into the social structure that frames subjectivity and questions the very idea of the symbolic. It looks at how the filmmaker makes use of cinematic elements as well as various codes and tropes provided to him by psychoanalysis, to critique the conventional understanding of phallic power. Grounded on the established domains of gender theorization, the article is therefore an interpretative analysis of the film that attempts to subvert these very discourses that frame our understanding of gender performance.


Author(s):  
Elise Salem

This chapter discusses the development of the novelistic tradition in Lebanon. It first provides an overview of the complex relationship between the Lebanese novel and nation-state before considering works published prior to the outbreak of the Lebanese Civil War. It then examines novels that appeared during the war years (1975–1990), along with novels written either during or immediately after the war but set in the nineteenth or early twentieth century. It also looks at contemporary postwar novels that vary from realistic to fantastical, from epistolary to first-person narrative, and from fuṣ ḥa to colloquial Arabic. The chapter describes the violence that characterizes the current period, citing as examples the slew of political assassinations and abductions, Israeli attacks, Hizballah takeovers, turmoil in the Palestinian camps, sectarian battles in Tripoli, and suicide car bombings, all reflected in the contemporary Lebanese novel.


Author(s):  
Richard S. Wortman

The assassination of Alexander II on 1 March 1881 ended the European myth of Russian monarchy—the narratives and imagery that had elevated Russian rulers since the reign of Peter I as exemplars of Western absolutism—and was followed by the introduction of a new governing myth idealizing seventeenth-century Muscovy. This chapter demonstrates that, by entertaining the illusion of a monarchical early Rus’, Alexander III and Nicholas II not only undermined the supra-national culture of their multi-national empire, but isolated themselves from educated society, both liberal and conservative, that looked towards political participation and the formation of a united nation-state on the model of the West. The catastrophic events of early twentieth-century Russia resulted not from a decrepit monarchy collapsing before insurgent oppositional movements, but from the clash of a monarch seeking to restore divinely inspired authoritarian rule with a Russia awakening politically and demanding to be heard.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-159
Author(s):  
Aidan Parkes

German sociologist Max Weber observes that the centralisation of administrative function is imperative to a stable nation state. Yet, despite this sovereign necessity, attempts at incorporating heterogeneous sociopolitical entities into a cohesive society eluded nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Afghanistan. Ahmad Shah Durrani is known as the father of Afghanistan. He bears this title because he unified a collection of tribes and established a pseudo-confederation of territories in 1747. However, the following two centuries were less constructive and subsequent state centralisation was fraught and ultimately fruitless for Afghanistan. Contemporaneous centralisation remains embryonic and strained by tribal clout. It is within this context that nineteenth- and twentieth-century Afghan amirs, khans, and kings attempted to modernise, centralise, and unify a consortium of conservative tribal microsocieties. Many of the same complications of the nineteenth and twentieth century continue to obfuscate modern Afghanistan.


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