The Political Uses of Some Economic Ideas: The Trade-Off Between Efficiency and Equality

2011 ◽  
Vol 70 (4) ◽  
pp. 1029-1052 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARÍA JIMÉNEZ-BUEDO
Keyword(s):  
2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 262-275 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niels Mejlgaard

It is a distinctive feature of European science policy that science is expected to meet economic and broader societal objectives simultaneously. Science should be governed democratically and take significant responsibilities towards the economy, the political system and civil society, but the coherency of these multiple claims is underexplored. Using metrics that emerge from both quantitative and qualitative studies, we examine the interrelatedness of different responsibilities at the level of countries. A total of 33 European Union member states and associated countries are included in the analysis. We find no trade-off between economic and broader societal contributions. Europe is, however, characterised by major divisions in terms of the location of science in society. There is a significant East–West divide, and Europe appears to be far from accomplishing an integrated European Research Area.


2018 ◽  
Vol 108 (9) ◽  
pp. 2442-2476 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bei Qin ◽  
David Strömberg ◽  
Yanhui Wu

This paper examines whether and how market competition affected the political bias of government-owned newspapers in China from 1981 to 2011. We measure media bias based on coverage of government mouthpiece content ( propaganda) relative to commercial content. We first find that a reform that forced newspaper exits (reduced competition) affected media bias by increasing product specialization, with some papers focusing on propaganda and others on commercial content. Second, lower-level governments produce less-biased content and launch commercial newspapers earlier, eroding higher-level governments’ political goals. Third, bottom-up competition intensifies the politico-economic trade-off, leading to product proliferation and less audience exposure to propaganda. (JEL D72, L31, L82, O14, O17, P26, P31)


Author(s):  
Kalypso Nicolaïdis

The chapter sets Brexit against the age-old trade-off between cooperation and control. As Nicolaïdis argues, the European order has undergone a number of important transformations -accentuated since Maastricht- which have increasingly altered the balance between these two poles, fostering greater calls to ‘take back control’—the political mantra of the Brexiteers. Accordingly, Britain’s predicament lies in the tension between different meanings of ‘control’, which can be explored through Kant’s three categories of law. At the level of the inter-state system (Kant’s ius gentium), the British state has been willing to minimalize the loss of national control when bargaining over the scope of jurisdictional authority. However, it is especially vulnerable to losses of control once commitments have been made. This is true for relations between states and foreign nationals (ius cosmopoliticum), the transformation of national boundaries, and for relations between citizens and their own state (ius civitatis).


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (6) ◽  
pp. 834-846 ◽  
Author(s):  
Holger Reinermann ◽  
Berta Barbet

Spatial analogies are ubiquitous as a concept structuring political conversation. Assuming that political parties play an important role in shaping the make-up of the political space and that depending on their combination of issue emphases they give rise to more or fewer dimensions of political competition, this article tests whether party system dimensionality leads to a trade-off implied in the relevant literature: when parties constrict the political space too much, certain preferences may not be represented anymore, leaving citizens dissatisfied with the system. At the same time, multidimensional political spaces may become too difficult to navigate and leave citizens confused. Results from hierarchical regression models (based on European Social Survey and manifesto data), however, show that such a trade-off does not exist. Higher dimensionality does not confuse voters. At the same time, there is evidence that it increases satisfaction with the political system, albeit only for the most sophisticated citizens.


Author(s):  
Maria Jucilene Lima Ferreira ◽  
Antonia Euza Carneiro de Sousa ◽  
José Romildo Pereira Lima

Education is constituted and a constituent of a people's culture and social organization. Based on this assertion, we consider that the theoretical and methodological assumptions of Pedagogy of Alternation enable the construction and realization of educational processes in the perspective of human emancipation. In this understanding, this article aims to analyze contributions from Pedagogy of Alternation to the training of young peasants linked to the Escola Família Agrícola de Jaboticaba - Bahia (BA), in the High School Technical Education Course in Agriculture Integrated to High School. Alternation is developed in educational times called Tempo Escola (TE), when there is a theoretical-practical study that dialogues with Tempo Comunidade (TC), in which the student expands the production of knowledge together with the family's agricultural production activities and, eventually, from the community. The research makes a critical interpretation about the organization of the pedagogical work that the school, field of research, carries out. Based on direct observation of TE activities and documentary research, the authors investigate the political-pedagogical and work principles presented in the Political Pedagogical Project (PPP), in the Reality Book (CR) and in the Supervised Internship Report (ES) of the students. The results show that, in the alternation of TE and TC, the pedagogical processes (pre) are concerned with sustainable development and with the production of knowledge supported by the concrete reality of the social daily life of students and their communities.


2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (03) ◽  
pp. 27-47
Author(s):  
Carlos Pereira ◽  
Mariana Batista ◽  
Sérgio Praça ◽  
Felix Lopez

Abstract When delegating governing tasks to a coalition partner, the president would like to give a minister ample administrative powers to be able to effectively accomplish the political mission. Due to information asymmetries, the president runs the risk that this discretion might be used to pursue policy outcomes that may harm the president's preferences. This trade-off between delegation and control is key to understanding governance strategies the president chooses to minimize agency risks and coordinate public policies. With Brazil as a case study, this article demonstrates that presidents have strategically made frequent use of junior ministers as watch-dogs of coalition partners, especially when coalition allies are ideologically distant from the president's preferences. Yet neither the portfolio salience nor the president's decision to share powers with coalition partners proportionally seems to interfere in such strategic decisions.


Author(s):  
Daphne Halikiopoulou

This chapter briefly examines the political implications of COVID-19, focusing on the potential constraints and opportunities it poses for populism. Some initial comparative observations suggest the following patterns. First, populists in opposition are likely to be weakened electorally in the short-run, as voters support non-populists on the basis of valence voting. Second, this may not apply to populists in power, who may use emergency measures for democratic backsliding. Third, in the long-run, a potential economic crisis as a result of the pandemic may benefit populist parties, especially those in opposition as discontent voters may punish those in government for the poor managing of the health/economy trade-off. In sum, what will determine the direction of future political developments is the extent to which governments can balance the trade-offs involved in the Covid-19 crisis, including effective health management versus economic growth and individual freedoms versus collective security.


1996 ◽  
Vol 90 (4) ◽  
pp. 794-812 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Cameron ◽  
David Epstein ◽  
Sharyn O'Halloran

Majority-minority voting districts have been advanced as a remedy to the underrepresentation of minority interests in the political process. Yet, their efficacy in furthering the substantive goals of minority constituents has been questioned because they may dilute minority influence in surrounding areas and lead to an overall decrease in support for minority-sponsored legislation. Thus, there may be a trade-off between increasing the number of minority officeholders and enacting legislation that furthers the interests of the minority community. Using nonlinear estimation techniques, we simulate the districting strategies that maximize substantive minority representation, and find that such a trade-off does exist. We also find that, outside of the South, dividing minority voters equally across districts maximizes substantive representation; inside the South the optimal scheme creates concentrated districts on the order of 47% black voting age population. In addition, minority candidates may have a substantial chance of being elected from districts with less than 50% minority voters.


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