scholarly journals The context of control: A cross-national investigation of the link between political institutions, efficacy, and collective action

2011 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 575-605 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katie E. Corcoran ◽  
David Pettinicchio ◽  
Jacob T. N. Young
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Cross National

Brothers or others in arms? Civilian constituencies and rebel fragmentation in civil war

2017 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric S Mosinger
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Regression Analysis ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Diffusion Model ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Quantitative Evidence ◽  
Rebel Groups ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
Cross National

Why do united rebel fronts emerge in some insurgencies, while in other insurgencies multiple rebel groups mobilize independently to challenge the state, and often, each other? I develop a diffusion model of rebel fragmentation in which participation in rebellion spreads, completely or incompletely, through networks of civilians and dissidents. Using this theoretical framework I hypothesize that two factors jointly determine whether a rebel movement remains unified or fragments: the rebels’ investment in civilian mobilization, and the overall level of civilian grievances. The theory predicts that widely shared grievances motivate the formation of many small dissident groups willing to challenge the regime. Given the difficulty of collective action between disparate opposition actors, an emerging rebel movement will tend towards fragmentation when popular grievances are high. Yet extremely high civilian grievances can also help rebels activate broad, overlapping civilian social networks that serve to bridge together dissident groups. Mass-mobilizing rebel groups, benefiting from the participation of broad civilian networks, are most likely to forge and maintain a unified rebel front. I test this theory alongside several alternatives drawn from cross-national studies of conflict using regression analysis. The quantitative evidence lends considerable credence to the role of rebel constituencies in preventing or fomenting rebel fragmentation.

scholarly journals Dynamics of Political Protests

2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 485-521 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graig R. Klein ◽  
Patrick M. Regan
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
The State ◽  
Event Data ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Government Response ◽  
Political Protests ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
State Responses ◽  
Cross National

AbstractThe links between protests and state responses have taken on increased visibility in light of the Arab Spring movements. But we still have unanswered questions about the relationship between protest behaviors and responses by the state. We frame this in terms of concession and disruption costs. Costs are typically defined as government behaviors that impede dissidents’ capacity for collective action. We change this causal arrow and hypothesize how dissidents can generate costs that structure the government's response to a protest. By disaggregating costs along dimensions of concession and disruption we extend our understanding of protest behaviors and the conditions under which they are more (or less) effective. Utilizing a new cross-national protest-event data set, we test our theoretical expectations against protests from 1990 to 2014 and find that when protesters generate high concession costs, the state responds in a coercive manner. Conversely, high disruption costs encourage the state to accommodate demands. Our research provides substantial insights and inferences about the dynamics of government response to protest.

Obstacles to Nurses’ Labor Militancy in Central America: Toward a Framework for Cross-National Comparison of Nurses’ Collective Action

2017 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-28
Author(s):  
Lisa Kowalchuk
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Focus Groups ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
Central America ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
Labor Militancy ◽  
Institutional Forces ◽  
National Comparison ◽  
Oppositional Consciousness ◽  
Cross National

This paper seeks to understand the low level of nurses’ labor militancy in El Salvador and Nicaragua compared with many other countries. Key to the analysis is the concept of oppositional consciousness, which was developed for the study of how oppressed groups convert anger over unjust treatment into vocal and even disruptive demands for change. I use data collected through interviews and focus groups to argue that while nurses in El Salvador and Nicaragua face many of the same hindrances to militancy seen elsewhere, they are more exposed to cultural and institutional forces that discourage a contestational stance. Chief among these are the influence of religion in nurses’ schooling and socialization, and nurses’ lack of experience with unions specific to their occupation. The latter owes, in turn, to particular historical and political factors in each country.

The AsiaBarometer Survey Questionnaire of 2006

2007 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 427-453
Author(s):  
TAKASHI INOGUCHI
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Economic Conditions ◽  
Government Performance ◽  
Survey Questionnaire ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
Daily Lives ◽  
National Analysis ◽  
Social Entities ◽  
Cross National

The AsiaBarometer Survey questionnaire of 2006 focuses on the daily lives of ordinary people in Asia. The idea behind this project is that without knowing at least some aspects of people's daily lives, it would be less productive to register the array of social scientist's concerns about their norms, values, identities, beliefs, and their relationships to societal and political action. Furthermore, in order to carry out any comparative and cross-national analysis in Asia, the questions must be able to be answered in the first place. Such topics as economic conditions, political institutions, and public policy do not constitute the core of their life. To ordinary people, matters of daily life are more important and easier to answer than those questions that the scientists are interested in. Asia is a region of full of diversity and is changing fast. There is no other region in the world that is more diverse and fast changing. By looking at the daily lives of ordinary people we are able to perceive and assess ordinary people's concerns, including in relationship to the larger social entities such as patriotism and confidence in government performance (Inoguchi, 2004).

scholarly journals Surviving Elections: Election Violence, Incumbent Victory and Post-Election Repercussions

2016 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 459-488 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emilie M. Hafner-Burton ◽  
Susan D. Hyde ◽  
Ryan S. Jablonski
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Political Protest ◽  
National Data ◽  
Election Cycle ◽  
Voter Mobilization ◽  
Electoral Outcome ◽  
Election Violence ◽  
Cross National

It is often assumed that government-sponsored election violence increases the probability that incumbent leaders remain in power. Using cross-national data, this article shows that election violence increases the probability of incumbent victory, but can generate risky post-election dynamics. These differences in the consequences of election violence reflect changes in the strategic setting over the course of the election cycle. In the pre-election period, anti-incumbent collective action tends to be focused on the election itself, either through voter mobilization or opposition-organized election boycotts. In the post-election period, by contrast, when a favorable electoral outcome is no longer a possibility, anti-government collective action more often takes the form of mass political protest, which in turn can lead to costly repercussions for incumbent leaders.

scholarly journals Party Systems in Muslim Societies

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth R. Nugent
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Path Dependence ◽  
Party System ◽  
Time Series Data ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Series Data ◽  
Shared Experiences ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
Historical Developments ◽  
Cross National

Are party systems in Muslim-majority societies different from those in non-Muslim-majority societies? If so, how—and more importantly, why? Cross-national time-series data demonstrate that party systems in Muslim-majority countries are consistently less competitive, less open, and less institutionalized than party systems in non-Muslim-majority countries. This chapter synthesizes existing theories of party system formation to argue that the traits of party systems in Muslim-majority countries are best explained by both shared experiences and systematic variation in historical developments related to colonialism and the path dependence of institutions, rather than by the political institutions prescribed by Islamic tenets. The chapter concludes by outlining a series of unanswered questions about the differences between party systems in Muslim-majority and non-Muslim-majority societies.

scholarly journals What satisfaction with democracy? A global analysis of “satisfaction with democracy” measures

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Devine
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Global Analysis ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Satisfaction With Democracy ◽  
Key Indicator ◽  
Country Differences ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Election Studies ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Cross National

Asking citizens ‘the way democracy works’ is the basis of a wide literature on the support citizens have for their political institutions, and is one of the most common survey items in political science. Moreover, it is a key indicator for the purported global decline in legitimacy. Yet, its trends, levels and dynamics are still debated, and conclusions may be erroneous. In this paper, we compile a unique global dataset between 1973 and 2018 encompassing all major cross-national datasets and national election studies in 12 countries to study the dynamics and consistency of SWD measures globally. Our results show that while trends and between-country differences in democratic satisfaction are largely similar, the levels of satisfaction vary substantially between survey projects, and both trends and levels vary significantly in several widely studied countries. We show that this has consequences at the individual level: opting for one survey over another may alter our conclusions about the relationship between key demographics and SWD. Thus, researchers studying SWD should endeavour to consult diverse survey sources and should be cautious about their conclusions when they do not, especially when it comes to making claims about changes in SWD over time.

Social Movements

2020 ◽  
pp. 464-478
Author(s):  
Eduardo Romanos
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Great Recession ◽  
Model Building ◽  
Long Term Effects ◽  
National Surveys ◽  
The Great Recession ◽  
Cross National

According to cross-national surveys, Spaniards are among the Europeans who participate the most in street protests. At the same time, Spanish social movements have been generally understood as deploying a less radical protest repertoire and a relatively weak organizational model. Building upon central concepts in social movement studies, this chapter analyses these and other features of the Spanish activist tradition as compared to other Western countries. An especial attention is paid to the strongest protest cycles in Spanish recent history: the years of the democratic transition and the Great Recession. In doing so, this chapter aims to address the long-term effects of regime transition on domestic collective action and organized protest.

Urban Regime Theory in Comparative Perspective

1994 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
G Stoker ◽  
K Mossberger
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Urban Governance ◽  
Regime Theory ◽  
Local Conditions ◽  
Urban Regime Theory ◽  
Urban Regime ◽  
National Comparison ◽  
Local Actors ◽  
Essential Contribution ◽  
Cross National

The urban literature has devoted increasing attention to cross-national comparison of urban change and governance. What is lacking, however, is the development of conceptual frameworks that are adequate to embrace the greater variation in conditions encountered in cross-national research, compared with conditions within a single country. Without such a framework, comparison remains an exercise in depicting unique and unrelated cases. Urban regime theory holds potential for explaining the variety of arrangements through which policymakers in cities have coped with change, because of its sensitivity to local conditions and local actors. Its essential contribution is to focus attention on the collective action problems that have to be overcome for effective urban governance to emerge. The nature of the collective action challenge varies according to the purpose, composition, and position of potential regime partners. Substantial differences in motivating factors must be taken into account in order to apply regime analysis cross-nationally. Drawing upon differences already identified in the regime literature, the authors propose a typology of organic, instrumental, and symbolic regimes.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document