Race and Religion: Voting Behavior and Political Attitudes

2013 ◽  
Vol 94 (4) ◽  
pp. 1145-1158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brad Lockerbie
1972 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 529-530 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward B. Blanchard ◽  
M. Eugene Scarboro

Rotter's (1966) I-E Scale and Mirels' (1970) Political Activity Factor derived from that scale were shown to have no significant value in predicting the voting behavior or political attitudes of 18- or 19-yr.-old college students voting for the first time or of older students who had been eligible to vote in a previous election Parental voting behavior and political attitudes were not significantly related to those behaviors and attitudes in students.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 277-295 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yotam Margalit

How does the experience of economic shocks affect individuals' political views and voting behavior? Inspired partly by the fallout of the financial crisis of 2008, research on this question has proliferated. Findings from studies covering a broadening range of countries and economic contexts highlight several notable patterns. Economic shocks—e.g., job loss or sharp drop in income—exert a significant and theoretically predictable, if often transient, effect on political attitudes. In contrast, the effect on voting behavior is more limited in magnitude and its manifestations less understood. Negative economic shocks tend to increase support for more expansive social policy and for redistribution, strengthening the appeal of the left. But such shocks also tend to decrease trust in political institutions, thus potentially driving the voters to support radical or populist parties, or demobilizing them altogether. Further research is needed to detect the conditions that lead to these distinct voting outcomes.


Author(s):  
Nicoletta Cavazza ◽  
Piergiorgio Corbetta

The debate that has arisen around the weakening of the traditional cleavages’ heuristic power in explaining vote suggests considering the role of lifestyles in designing politically meaningful social aggregates. We investigated the relationship between lifestyle and voting behavior, establishing the degree to which this relationship traces the effect of the socio-structural categories (e.g. social class) or is, at least in part, independent of them. Through a k-means clustering, we individuated a typology of four Italian lifestyles; we showed its relation to socio-demographic features and its ability to discriminate participants’ political attitudes. The subscription to each lifestyle was significantly associated with voting behavior, net of the variance accounted for by the traditional cleavages. The theoretical implication and further direction of research are discussed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Giulia Galli ◽  
Davide Angelucci ◽  
Stefan Bode ◽  
Chiara De Giorgi ◽  
Lorenzo De Sio ◽  
...  

AbstractSelf-reports are conventionally used to measure political preferences, yet individuals may be unable or unwilling to report their political attitudes. Here, in 69 participants we compared implicit and explicit methods of political attitude assessment and focused our investigation on populist attitudes. Ahead of the 2019 European Parliament election, we recorded electroencephalography (EEG) from future voters while they completed a survey that measured levels of agreement on different political issues. An Implicit Association Test (IAT) was administered at the end of the recording session. Neural signals differed as a function of future vote for a populist or mainstream party and of whether survey items expressed populist or non-populist views. The combination of EEG responses and self-reported preferences predicted electoral choice better than traditional socio-demographic and ideological variables, while IAT scores were not a significant predictor. These findings suggest that measurements of brain activity can refine the assessment of socio-political attitudes, even when those attitudes are not based on traditional ideological divides.


Author(s):  
Shalom H. Schwartz

This chapter explains how values structure political attitudes and behavior, by laying out the theoretical framework and arguing for the relevance of these personal values to politics. It defines ten broad values according to the motivation that underlies each of them. These ten values may encompass the full range of motivationally distinct values recognized across cultures. They are likely to be universal because they are grounded in one or more of three universal requirements of human existence, with which they help people cope: needs of people as biological organisms, requisites of coordinated social interaction, and survival and welfare needs of groups. The chapter's analyses indicate that some of the personal values—in particular, tradition, conformity, hedonism, and universalism—have both direct and indirect effects on voting behavior and political attitudes.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liza Mügge ◽  
Maria Kranendonk ◽  
Floris Vermeulen ◽  
Nermin Aydemir

Abstract Whether there is a trade-off between ‘here’ (country of settlement) and ‘there’ (the country of origin) is one of the key political questions and concerns regarding political attitudes and behaviors of immigrant minorities. We take this issue by the horns and study three components of political attitudes and behavior within a transnational framework among Dutch-Turkish citizens in the Netherlands: turnout, political trust and interest, and party choice. The empirical data draws on original exit polls held during the Turkish presidential and parliamentary elections at a polling station in 2014 (n = 791) and in 2015 (n = 456). We find that that gender and country of birth influence electoral participation; social class (working class background as labor migrants) influences voting behavior. While there is a trade-off for political trust and voting behavior, there is no trade-off for political interest. These findings call for a more nuanced approach to transnational political behavior that is attentive to processes of convergence between ‘here’ and ‘there’ and the diversity within migrant groups.


2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert M. Kunovich

Using Polish panel data from 1998, 2003, and 2008, I examine people’s knowledge of the governing parties of the Sejm in 2003. I focus on ability, opportunity, and motivation to explain political knowledge. I also examine the effects of knowledge on changes in political attitudes and behaviors from 2003 to 2008. Major sources of political knowledge are prior political interest and the change in interest from 1998 to 2003, political experience, and cognitive ability. There also exists a substantial gender gap in knowledge. Finally, political knowledge leads to changes in political interest, alienation, democratic attitudes, and voting behavior.


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